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World Development Report 1984

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liberalized, and contraception, especially use of uted little. But in the early years of the twentieth<br />

condoms, spread. century, medical science found ways to combat<br />

What are the lessons for developing countries? infectious disease. As a result, by the 1920s and<br />

* Fertility can decline in largely rural popula- 1930s mortality decline was spreading from<br />

tions; it did so in France, Hungary, Japan, and Europe and North America to Japan, India, and<br />

Sweden. In France, Hungary, and Japan social parts of Central and South America. With the<br />

aspirations and land ownership help explain why introduction of antibiotics, antimalarial spraying,<br />

smallholders chose to limit their families. In Swe- and the increased use of vaccination, the decline<br />

den fertility decline was associated with rapid pro- accelerated in the 1950s and spread to all developductivity<br />

gains in agriculture and with an increase ing countries. Improved communications, the conin<br />

the share of landowners among all agricultural solidation of political and administrative systems,<br />

workers. and cheaper transport all made it easier to transfer<br />

* Economic and social opportunities for the the new advances between and within countries.<br />

majority of people matter. Fertility decline was Not only did this mortality decline occur rapidly;<br />

delayed in England, where the real wages of farm it began from higher initial levels (see Figure 4.2)<br />

laborers and unskilled workers rose only slowly, and in societies where fertility levels were higher.<br />

and where education was confined to the middle At least initially it was not followed by fertility<br />

class through most of the nineteenth century. Fer- decline.<br />

tility fell as education spread and became more The current demographic condition of developnecessary<br />

to earn a living. ing countries can be summed up in seven state-<br />

* The mere idea that it is legitimate to limit ments.<br />

births matters, but it does not spread automati- 1. The postwar rate of population growth in developcally.<br />

In France and some other European coun- ing countries is without precedent. Though in the past<br />

tries fertility declined rapidly within cultural and two decades rates of population growth in some countries<br />

linguistic boundaries, but was slow to do so farther have been falling because of birth rate declines, rates of<br />

afield. The spread of the idea that fertility control is growth are still unusually high, and birth rates are not<br />

legitimate occurs more quickly as transport and declining everywhere.<br />

communication become easier-a potentially powerful<br />

force now in developing countries compared In <strong>1984</strong> the world's population will increase by<br />

with Europe before the twentieth century. about 80 million. Most of the increase, about 73<br />

* Low fertility is possible, but much more diffi- million, will occur in developing countries, now<br />

cult, without sophisticated modern methods of comprising about three-quarters of world populabirth<br />

control. In today's developed countries, late tion. The combination of continued high fertility<br />

marriage and celibacy were important contribu- and much-reduced mortality has led to population<br />

tors; so, probably, were withdrawal and absti- growth of between 2 and 4 percent a year in most<br />

nence, abortion, and possibly infanticide. But once low- and middle-income countries, compared with<br />

economic and social conditions are favorable, 1 percent and less in most developed countries.<br />

modern contraception speeds the decline in fertil- Growth at 3 percent a year means that in seventy<br />

ity, as the Japanese experience has proved. years population grows eightfold; at 1 percent a<br />

year it merely doubles. Current population growth<br />

Current demographic change in developing in the developing economies is a phenomenon for<br />

countries which economic and demographic history offers<br />

no real precedent.<br />

Only in a few developing countries have popula- For developing countries as a group, population<br />

tion growth rates fallen below 2 percent a year in growth rates rose from 2.0 percent in 1950 to 2.4<br />

the past two decades. In many, population is still percent in 1965, largely because of falling death<br />

growing by more than 3 percent a year. In general, rates (see Figure 4.2). Since then, death rates have<br />

growth is fastest in the poorest countries. This continued to fall but birth rates have declined even<br />

delinking of population growth and prosperity in more, so that growth has slowed somewhat. The<br />

what is now the developing world began after rate of natural increase (and of population growth)<br />

<strong>World</strong> War 1, when mortality began to decline. in developing countries is now about 2 percent a<br />

Mortality had already been falling slowly in year.<br />

Europe and the Americas, largely because of The fall in the average growth rate is due almost<br />

improved living standards-medicine had contrib- entirely to the birth rate decline in China, which<br />

63

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