World Development Report 1984
World Development Report 1984
World Development Report 1984
Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
Economic transformation: Europe, Japan, areas of many developing countries, where educaand<br />
North America tion beyond a few years is not available, extended<br />
family systems permit earlier marriage. The new<br />
In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the couple often lives with the husband's parents for<br />
early phase of modern economic growth in north- some time, and the family's assets are shared.<br />
west Europe, population and income increases What would be the financial burden of marrying<br />
accelerated together. Populations grew due to young and having children is reduced in the larger<br />
gradual declines in mortality and, in some areas, to household (though even today marriage does<br />
increases in marriage rates as new economic come later and fertility is lower among the truly<br />
opportunities opened up. Europe's rate of popula- destitute in developing countries).<br />
tion growth rose from 0.5 to 1.5 percent a year. No country in northwestern Europe had a crude<br />
Even that was low by modern standards, for sev- birth rate above forty per thousand in 1800; in several<br />
reasons. First, when the industrial age began eral (Denmark, France, Norway, and Sweden)<br />
in the late eighteenth century, fertility was lower birth rates were nearer thirty per thousand. The<br />
than it is in developing countries today because crude birth rate in England was thirty-four per<br />
marTiage rates were low and because those who thousand in 1850, before marital fertility began to<br />
married did so in their mid-twenties to late twen- decline, compared with forty-seven per thousand<br />
ties or even in their thirties. In the past two in Colombia in 1960 and more than fifty per thoudecades<br />
historical demographers have used sand in Kenya today (see Figure 4.1). By contrast,<br />
church registers to compile new and detailed infor- in the Indian subcontinent in the nineteenth cenmation<br />
on marriages, deaths, and births in parts of tury, crude birth rates are estimated to have been<br />
Europe. These studies indicate that as many as 15 between fifty and fifty-five per thousand.<br />
to 20 percent of women in northwest Europe never Another reason for slow population growth in<br />
married and that at any given time only 45 to 50 the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries was that<br />
percent of women between the ages of fifteen and mortality, although gradually declining, was high<br />
fifty were married. The mean age at marriage in by today's standards. At the beginning of the ninethe<br />
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was teenth century infant mortality rates exceeded 200<br />
about twenty-five in Belgium, England, France, per thousand live births in many communities of<br />
Germany, and Scandinavia. Newly married cou- Europe. They were about 250 per thousand in<br />
ples had to set up their own households and thus Sweden, and were more than 300 per thousand in<br />
had to postpone marriage until they were finan- what is now Germany, compared with an average<br />
cially independent. A common arrangement was of 100 per thousand in low-income developing<br />
for older couples to pass land to the young in countries today. The crude death rate in France<br />
exchange for a guarantee of retirement support; and England was about thirty per thousand at the<br />
such contracts occurred between different families beginning of the nineteenth century. It was<br />
as well as between parents and children. twenty-three per thousand in England in 1841,<br />
The poor in particular were forced to postpone twenty-eight per thousand in Germany in 1867,<br />
marriage; young adults often worked as servants and more than thirty per thousand in Sweden in<br />
to the better-off until they could marry. In England 1870, compared with about thirteen per thousand<br />
and Sweden the landless married later than those in India today.<br />
who owned land, except where cottage industry As a result of low fertility and high mortality, the<br />
opened up new opportunities to earn a living. natural increase in population seldom exceeded 1.5<br />
Marriage occurred particularly late in Ireland. In percent a year. In England it peaked at about 1.6<br />
1871 half the Irish women aged twenty-five to percent in the 1820s; in France it never exceeded 1<br />
twenty-nine were still unmarried (compared with percent during the nineteenth century.<br />
36 percent of English women). Ireland's poverty Finally, these natural increases were themselves<br />
led to late marriage and often to spinsterhood. But partly siphoned off in emigration. About 50 million<br />
religious beliefs prohibited birth control, so marital people left Europe for Australia, Canada, the<br />
fertility was high. Nevertheless, the birth rate and United States, and New Zealand. At its peak<br />
population growth were relatively low. (1881-1910) emigration was equivalent to 20 per-<br />
The contrast with fertility patterns today is cent of the increase in Europe's population. For<br />
marked. Now the key to high income is education. particular countries, it was much higher. Nearly 45<br />
The rich send their children to school, so marriage percent of the increase in the population of the<br />
is delayed and fertility is restricted. In the rural British Isles during 1846-1932 emigrated, about 40<br />
58