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World Development Report 1984

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tions underlying the "standard" projections in some countries it is not already too late-whether<br />

Table 19 are correct, world population would stabi- rising unemployment and increasing landlessness<br />

lize around the year 2150, having risen from will overwhelm social and political institutions;<br />

almost 4.8 billion to more than 11 billion (see Fig- whether fragile administrative systems will be<br />

ure 1.1). It would reach 9.8 billion by the year 2050. unable to maintain health programs; whether, in<br />

The population of today's developed countries countries that are already crowded and still heavily<br />

would grow from about 1.2 billion today to 1.4 reliant on agriculture, mortality will rise to check<br />

billion in 2050, while that of those countries now further population growth.<br />

classified as developing would grow from over 3.6 Such speculative pessimism needs to be set<br />

billion to 8.4 billion. By the time world population against the concrete reasons for optimism. The<br />

stabilized, the population of India would be 1.7 experience of the past two decades shows that ecobillion,<br />

making it the most populous nation on nomic growth and social development are possiearth.<br />

Bangladesh, a country about the size of the ble, even starting at low initial income levels, and<br />

state of Wisconsin in the United States, would that developing countries can take conscious steps<br />

have a population of 450 million. Nigeria, Ethio- to influence their demographic futures. Both morpia,<br />

Zaire, and Kenya, among the most populous tality and fertility-the latter matters much more<br />

countries in Africa, would have populations of 620 for population growth-can be brought down<br />

million, 230 million, 170 million, and 150 million, more quickly than projected. Declines need not<br />

respectively. As a group, sub-Saharan Africa and rely, solely or even primarily, on per capita income<br />

South Asia-today's poorest countries, with the growth. Educational change can occur rapidly;<br />

fastest population growth-would account for 50 policy effort can make a difference. Moreover, the<br />

percent of the world's people, compared with 30 actions that would speed the demographic transipercent<br />

today. tion are also those which would increase economic<br />

Even allowing for some error in such projec- growth.<br />

tions, it is clear that future population increases<br />

will be concentrated in what are now the poorer Causes, consequences, and cures<br />

areas of the globe; the average level of human welfare<br />

will depend largely on the degree to which Part II of this <strong>Report</strong> discusses three themes.<br />

economic and social transformation occurs in these * Rapid population grozoth is a developmenit probareas.<br />

lein. Although population growth does not provide<br />

Are the assumptions that produce these projec- the drama of financial crisis or political upheaval,<br />

tions realistic, and what do they imply for future its significance for shaping the world is at least as<br />

human welfare? The critical assumptions are that great. In the past three decades many developing<br />

the decline in mortality will continue until life countries managed to raise average income even as<br />

expectancy of about eighty years is reached, and their populations grew rapidly. In that strict sense,<br />

that fertility will decline to replacement level-in rapid population growth has been accommodated.<br />

developing countries between the years 2005 and But the goal of development extends beyond<br />

2045, depending on recent mortality levels, fertility accommodation of more people; it is to improve<br />

trends, and family planning efforts; and in most people's lives. The cost of rapid population<br />

developed countries in the year 2010. (In the sev- growth, at least for the world as a whole, may not<br />

eral developed countries in which fertility is now be a catastrophe-with luck sudden famine, war,<br />

below replacement level, it is assumed to rise and political or environmental collapse can be avoided.<br />

then stabilize at replacement.) But continuing rapid growth on an ever larger base<br />

In some respects these assumptions are optimis- is likely to mean a lower quality of life for millions<br />

tic. Consider the poorer countries of Africa and of people. The main cost of such growth, borne<br />

South Asia. Even with rapid income growth and principally by the poor in developing countries,<br />

advances in literacy in the next two decades, they has been and will be faltering progress against<br />

are not likely to reach the income and literacy lev- what is still high mortality, and lost opportunities<br />

els that triggered fertility declines in such countries for improving people's lives.<br />

as Brazil, Korea, and Malaysia in the 1960s (see Why does rapid population growth slow devel-<br />

Figure 1.2). Yet their fertility is projected to decline opment? First, it exacerbates the awkward choice<br />

significantly-and even with those declines their between higher consumption now and the investpopulations<br />

will more than double in the next fifty ment needed to bring higher consumption in the<br />

years. A pessimist might wonder whether for future. Economic growth depends on invest-<br />

7

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