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World Development Report 1984

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ecause few effective methods are offered, and which in turn means new investments just to<br />

because follow-up services are limited. maintain per capita output. In cities, rapid popula-<br />

It has been almost two decades since the peak of tion growth heightens the organizational and<br />

population growth in developing countries was administrative difficulties of managing urban<br />

passed. But the turnaround to slower growth has growth; redistribution policies offer little relief at<br />

been slow and has not occurred everywhere. high cost.<br />

Increases in population size are projected to mount Population growth would not be a problem if<br />

for another two decades, and in many countries of economic and social adjustments could be made<br />

the developing world, populations will triple in fast enough, if technical change could be guaransize<br />

by the year 2050, even assuming substantial teed, or if rapid population growth itself inspired<br />

declines in fertility. Two decades after the turn- technical change. But rapid population growth, if<br />

around, the slow pace of change and its uneven anything, makes adjustment more difficult. It<br />

incidence point more than ever to rapid population brings at best only the gradual adaptation that is<br />

growth as a central development concern. typical of agriculture, maintaining but not increasing<br />

per capita output. The money and research<br />

A development problem skills needed for modern technological change are<br />

overwhelmingly in the rich countries, where pop-<br />

The focus of this <strong>Report</strong> has been different from ulation growth is slow. If anything they produce<br />

neomalthusian descriptions of population as a labor-saving, not labor-using, innovations. In<br />

problem. <strong>World</strong> population has grown faster, to today's developed countries fertility was never as<br />

higher numbers, than Malthus would have imag- high as in developing countries now, and mortalined;<br />

world production and income have grown ity fell more slowly. Population growth rarely<br />

too. The future may be more difficult; in the very exceeded 1.5 percent a year; rural population<br />

long run, history may seem to vindicate Malthus growth had virtually ended by the beginning of<br />

and the problem of population may indeed be one the twentieth century.<br />

of numbers outrunning world resources. But for<br />

the next five or six decades, the problem goes Appropriate policies<br />

beyond one of global resources and is less easily<br />

amenable to any technological fix. It is a mismatch Part 11 of this <strong>Report</strong> dwells at length on the meanbetween<br />

population and income-producing ability, ing and implications of a paradox. On the one<br />

a mismatch that leaves many of the world's people hand, the social costs of large families are high,<br />

in a vicious circle of poverty and high fertility. In and in some families children suffer directly from<br />

this <strong>Report</strong> rapid population growth is associated, having many siblings. On the other hand, poor<br />

at household and national levels, with slower parents make a reasonable choice in having many<br />

progress in raising living standards, especially of children. High infant and child mortality and poor<br />

the poor. At the national and the family level, educational and job opportunities mean that parrapid<br />

population growth exacerbates the difficult ents with few children cannot feel secure about<br />

choice between higher levels of living now and their own future until they have had four or five<br />

investment, for example in children's schooling, to babies-including, in some settings, two or three<br />

bring higher levels of living in the future. It is the sons. The very idea of planning pregnancies may<br />

poor who have many children; caught by the pov- be unknown, and modern contraceptives may be<br />

erty of their parents, those children carry their dis- unavailable or expensive. In such a context, each.<br />

advantages into the next generation. Still rapid individual family's decision to have another child<br />

population growth in most countries-2 percent to seems rational. Yet added together, these separate<br />

more than 4 percent a year-means up to 50 per- decisions make all families, and especially chilcent<br />

of populations are under age fifteen, so job dren, worse off in the end. There is a gap between<br />

creation for many years will be a formidable task. the private and social gains to large families. The<br />

For some countries and many rural families, high gap is caused in large part by poverty and the<br />

fertility means extra resources must go into agri- resulting lack of access to opportunities that would<br />

culture just to keep pace with food requirements. encourage small families.<br />

In many countries still largely dependent on agri- The process of economic development itself genculture,<br />

there is little or no unused land that can be erates new signals that lower fertility. Decisions<br />

cheaply brought under cultivation; raising produc- change as women become more educated, as more<br />

tion means increasing yields on existing land, children survive childhood disease, as children<br />

184

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