World Development Report 1984
World Development Report 1984
World Development Report 1984
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countries regain their momentum of the 1960s, but until well into the twentieth century, the world's<br />
at only 4.7 percent a year in that period if the population grew at the then unprecedented rate of<br />
industrial countries do no better than in the past about 0.5 percent a year, faster in today's develten<br />
years. That would make the difference oped countries, slower elsewhere. <strong>World</strong> populabetween<br />
almost every country in the world raising tion size doubled again, this time in about 150<br />
per capita incomes and people in many of the years; it had reached about 1.7 billion by 1900. In<br />
world's poorest countries growing steadily poorer. the twentieth century, growth continued to accel-<br />
Chapter 3 also explores the gains that develop- erate, from 0.5 to 1 percent until about 1950 and<br />
ing countries could make by improving their own then to a remarkable 2 percent. In just over thirty<br />
economic policies, irrespective of what happens in years, between 1950 and today, world population<br />
the industrial countries. It concludes that, if they nearly doubled again-growing from 2.5 billion to<br />
make such improvements, some countries might almost 4.8 billion (see Figure 1.1).<br />
be able to add close to an extra percentage point to Since 1950 population growth has been concentheir<br />
economic growth rates. None of these trated largely in the developing countries. Though<br />
improvements can be regarded as unachievable, a postwar baby boom combined with falling morsince<br />
they have already been achieved by some tality in the industrial countries, the population<br />
developing countries. The chapter stresses the growth rate never exceeded 1 percent in Europe<br />
valuable contribution that appropriate pricing poli- and seldom exceeded 1.5 percent in North Amercies<br />
can make to faster economic growth. In partic- ica. At its peak, fertility in the United States meant<br />
ular, it contrasts the record of countries that have that families had on average little more than three<br />
adopted outward-looking trade policies with those children; in Europe and Japan postwar families<br />
that have concentrated on import substitution. were even smaller. By the 1970s, in most devel-<br />
The predicament of sub-Saharan Africa is a oped countries fertility had fallen to a level near or<br />
recurring theme throughout this <strong>Report</strong>. Though even below "replacement"-about two children<br />
its total GDP growth was not much slower than in per couple being the level which, over the long<br />
other regions in the 1970s, Africa's population run, holds population constant (demographic<br />
grew faster; for the region as a whole, GDP per terms are defined in the glossary).<br />
capita fell during the 1970s. It could well do so The postwar experience of developing countries<br />
again in the years up to 1995. Of the policy failings was not only different but historically unprecethat<br />
contributed to slow growth in other develop- dented. Driven by falling mortality and continued<br />
ing countries, all can be found in more or less high fertility, their population growth rate rose<br />
chronic form in many African countries. The scope above 2 percent a year. It peaked at 2.4 percent in<br />
for raising growth rates by improving policies is the 1960s. It is now around 2.0 percent a year,<br />
therefore greatest in Africa. In addition, however, because of a slightly greater decline in birth rates<br />
many of Africa's weaknesses require extra conces- than in death rates (see Figure 1.1). Further decline<br />
sional aid if they are to be tackled effectively. in population growth will not come automatically.<br />
Much of the slowdown so far can be attributed to<br />
Population and demographic change China, where fertility is already low, close to an<br />
average of two children per family. Most families<br />
While the causes of poor economic performance in other developing countries now have at least<br />
can be traced back twenty years, the links between four children, in rural areas five and more. In a few<br />
demography and development can be understood countries in which fertility fell in the 1970s, there is<br />
only by going back even farther into the past. In evidence that it has leveled off recently. For parts<br />
the long run of history, the second half of the of South Asia and the Middle East, forecasts of a<br />
twentieth century stands out for its remarkable lower rate of population growth are based more on<br />
population growth. Consider that in the year 1 the hope than on present trends. For much of Africa<br />
world had about 300 million people. Its population and Central America, population growth rates are<br />
then took more than 1,500 years to double. rising and could rise still further. In Africa couples<br />
Though the general trend was rising, population say they want more children than in fact they are<br />
growth was not steady; the balance of births over having, while mortality-though high-can be<br />
deaths was tenuous, and crises such as war or expected to decline.<br />
plague periodically reduced populations in parts of Furthermore, population "momentum" means<br />
the world. Only in the eighteenth century did the that growth rates in developing countries will<br />
number of people start to rise steadily. From 1750 remain high for several decades even if couples<br />
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