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World Development Report 1984

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planning program is critical to reducing fertility. adopted economic incentives to reduce fertility;<br />

Indonesia's current birth rate is estimated at family planning services have provided couples<br />

thirty-four per 1,000 people, which is a notable with the means to respond. In Colombia and Mexdrop<br />

from an estimated forty-four in 1960. In Java ico work opportunities and household incomes of<br />

and Bali, the two most densely populated islands women with little education were probably<br />

of the country, the percentage of married women increasing in the 1960s and 1970s, which also<br />

of reproductive age currently using modern con- encouraged the use of contraception.<br />

traception more than doubled between 1974 and In several low-income countries family planning<br />

1976 (11 to 24 percent), nearly doubled again to 42 programs have not been effective in reducing ferpercent<br />

by 1980, and by 1983 had reached an esti- tility-for example, Ghana, Kenya, and Pakistan.<br />

mated 53 percent. Lack of demand has been a factor, but so has lim-<br />

Other developing countries and regions have ited availability of services and weak government<br />

also had remarkable increases in contraceptive use support for the programs. Comparisons within<br />

and rapid fertility declines, even among women countries show the difference actual availability<br />

with little or no education. In Colombia a strong can make. In Mexico, Korea, Thailand, and India<br />

private family planning program was under way contraceptive use is higher in communities with<br />

by the late 1960s, and the government began sup- more sources of family planning supplies, even<br />

porting family planning in 1969. In urban areas the when differences in development levels are taken<br />

proportion of married women using contraception into account. In one district in India a 10 percent<br />

increased from 43 to 53 percent between 1969 and increase in the number of clinics per hundred<br />

1976, with a big switch from less effective meth- thousand people was associated with a 3 to 4 perods,<br />

such as rhythm and withdrawal, to pills and cent increase in the combined acceptance rates of<br />

IUDs (although the increase since then has slowed); intrauterine devices (IUDs) and sterilization; simiin<br />

rural areas the proportion doubled, from 15 to larly, a 10 percent increase in the number of exten-<br />

30 percent. As Figure 6.6 shows, the drop in fertil- sion workers raised acceptance rates by 4 to 6<br />

ity for Colombian women with little schooling has percent.<br />

paralleled that of better-educated women,<br />

although fertility levels are still higher among FIELD PROJECTS. Experiments conducted in<br />

those with less education. Fertility had begun to widely different communities have also revealed<br />

fall by 1965, before family planning services numerous examples of the effectiveness of family<br />

became widely available, but it declined faster in planning programs.<br />

Colombia in the early 1970s than it did in Brazil or * In Matlab, a largely inaccessible part of<br />

Mexico, where family planning services were less Bangladesh, trained local women provided comwidely<br />

available. (Colombia has a somewhat lower prehensive family planning services in seventy vilper<br />

capita income than does Brazil or Mexico, and lages. For the four years prior to the project, fertilsimilar<br />

literacy and urbanization rates.) ity rates for these villages were comparable with<br />

In Mexico, as in Colombia, fertility began to fall a those for seventy-nine other Matlab villages; over<br />

few years before the establishment of extensive the two subsequent years, rates were 22 percent<br />

family planning programs, both private and gov- lower (see Box 7.6).<br />

ernment-sponsored; but as those programs gained * In San Pablo Autopan, Mexico, maternal and<br />

momentum, the fall in fertility accelerated. The child health services and contraceptives were<br />

government adopted a policy to reduce population delivered to individual households in 1976-77.<br />

growth at the end of 1973-an abrupt shift from its Contraceptive use rose from 5 to 9 percent in the<br />

earlier pronatalist position. Rates of contraceptive surrounding areas, and from 7 to 25 percent in the<br />

use among married women aged fifteen to forty- area covered by the project.<br />

nine more than doubled between 1973 and 1976, * On the island of Cheju, Korea, family planfrom<br />

11 to 29 percent; by 1982 they had reached an ning staff distributed oral pills and condoms<br />

estimated 48 percent. Public programs accounted through home visits in 1976-79 and also referred to<br />

for virtually all of the increase. The total fertility clinics women who wanted IUDs and subsidized<br />

rate fell from 6.7 in 1970 to about 4.6 in 1982. sterilization. Over the period, fertility in the sur-<br />

Of course, the availability of family planning rounding areas fell by 29 percent; in Cheju it fell by<br />

services has not been the only reason for falling 35 percent, mainly because of sterilization.<br />

fertility in these countries. In China the govern- * In some parts of the island of Bohol, Philipment<br />

has exerted considerable social pressure and pines, village workers (including midwives and<br />

119

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