World Development Report 1984
World Development Report 1984
World Development Report 1984
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cating them. The gap between the private and -for example, for health and education-has great<br />
social costs of children narrows where income potential for affecting such decisions. Education<br />
gains are widely shared, credit and labor markets and primary health care account for between a fifth<br />
are working well, and people are receiving a fair (Malawi) and a third (Tunisia) of public budgets in<br />
return to effort and skills. Income gains often coin- low-income and middle-income countries. Taxes<br />
cide with an increase in opportunities for women similarly affect behavior through, for example, taxoutside<br />
the home and for the poor, and associated free allowances for children and fees or subsidies<br />
changes substitute for the benefits of having many on services that children use. The effects of taxes<br />
children. and subsidies can differ depending on the situa-<br />
But such changes come only gradually. Educa- tion. Tuition and book charges might discourage<br />
tion, for example, cannot be transformed over- parents from sending children to school and so<br />
night. Nationally, literacy rates today are strongly indirectly contribute to higher fertility. But once it<br />
influenced by their level in the past; in house- is clear that education is valuable, such charges are<br />
holds, children are more likely to attend school if likely to encourage people to have fewer children<br />
their mothers did, regardless of family income in order to give them a better education.<br />
level. Expanding opportunities for women relies in Some of the ways in which government can<br />
part on educating women-but this occurs more influence family decisions are illustrated in Figure<br />
slowly where parents see only limited opportuni- 6.1. The influence can be direct-government can<br />
ties for their daughters. In rural areas, credit and make laws and issue proclamations, for example,<br />
labor markets cannot be transformed overnight. that clarify social goals about marriage age and<br />
All the more reason, therefore, to act now-espe- children's schooling. But government influence is<br />
cially because some of these changes also take time likely to be stronger and more enduring when it is<br />
to lower fertility. indirect; for example, through various entitlement<br />
Other complementar policieand tax programs, government can affect the social<br />
Other compalementary policies can have more<br />
immediate effects. Promotion of later marriage and and economic environment, which in turn affects<br />
longer breastfeeding can reduce the birth rate at<br />
the same time it raises welfare. And the experience<br />
the same timelopitnraises welarie. A the experienc t<br />
of many developing countries shows that public<br />
people's decisions about marriage, children, and<br />
education. These indirect effects are so powerful<br />
because fertility itself is but one of a set of interre-<br />
hoshl .ae .eiin: aigcnuig<br />
support for family planning programs, by narrow- working, raisin children, and sending them to<br />
ing the gap between actual family size and what<br />
couples wol wan if thycudmoeesl<br />
cooules wouldcwantr iferthy quicould moere easily<br />
sool. Main ohiesn,al sentgou to<br />
school. Many of the signals sent out by govern-<br />
ment affect fertility by altering the decisions about<br />
choe,cng lerv fertilit qickly. Whr afoaml<br />
planning services are widespread and affordable,<br />
children's education, mother's work, and the rela-<br />
fertility has declined more rapidly than social and tive attractiveness of spending now or saving for<br />
one's old age. Figure 6.1 also shows that all these<br />
ecnmies progress aloneia, would pRca,dict. Som- influences alter fertility through what demograeamplTs<br />
ar l, CostaeRica, Indonsia Tai phers call the proximate determinants of fertilityldTico<br />
Mexico.<br />
s breastfeeding, age at marriage, contraceptive use,<br />
and abortion.<br />
By taxing and spending in ways that provide The complexity of these relationships is both a<br />
couples wvith specific incentives and disincentives virtue and a drawback. It is a virtue because speto<br />
limit their fertility, government policy can also cific government programs can have multiple<br />
affect fertility in the short run. Government can effects that enhance their overall impact on family<br />
offer "rewards" for women who defer pregnancy; behavior. This is clearly true of family planning<br />
it can compensate people who undergo steriliza- programs and other development programs. Such<br />
tion for loss of work and travel costs; and it can efforts work best in concert; they work only haltprovide<br />
insurance and old-age security schemes ingly when they work alone. When various profor<br />
parents who restrict the size of their families. grams all work together, they make possible the<br />
Each of these public policies works through sig- steep declines in fertility achieved by countries<br />
nals which influence individual and family deci- that have simultaneously benefited from rapid ecosions-when<br />
to marry, whether to use contracep- nomic growth, improvements in education, rising<br />
tion, how long to send children to school, and life expectancy, and expanding family planning<br />
whether and how much family members work. programs. But the complexity is also a disadvan-<br />
The level and pattern of government expenditure tage; no one program or policy is enough to reduce<br />
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