Before Jerusalem Fell
by Kenneth L. Gentry by Kenneth L. Gentry
266 BEFORE JERUSALEM FELL temple of Quirinius, with the inscription ‘To the invincible God.’ “2 5 Suetonius records for us the actions of Lucius Antonius: “Some write that three hundred men of both orders were selected from the prisoners of war and sacrificed on the Ides of March like so many victims at the altar raised to the Deified Julius.”26 Here in Suetonius we find at least this one occurrence of the slaying of men as altar victims for the deified Caesar. Several men set up a twenty foot high marble column inscribed with “To the Father of his Country. ” Suetonius notes that “at the foot of this they continued for a long time to sacrifice, make vows, and settle some of their disputes by an oath in the name of Caesar.”2 7 He was said to have been accepted as a god not only by a formal decree of the Senate, “but also in the conviction of the common people.”2 8 Clearly emperor worship was well under way in Julius Caesar’s day. Augwtu.s Although Augustus forbade divine honors to himself in Rome,* g Tacitus and Suetonius record the fact that he sanctioned his worship and the erection of altars elsewhere. 30 As early as 29 B.C. he allowed the diets of Asia and Bithynia to erect temples and shew divine honour to him at their places of assembly, Pergamus and Nicomedia. The high priest of the new temple was appointed year by year, and he was the most eminent dignitary in the province.31 Beckwith notes that on his death the Senate voted Augustus consecration and that a temple was erected in the Palatine area of Rome. Furthermore, “his worship spread rapidly in both the Asian and 25. Ratton, A/mca@%e, p. 48. See Dio Cassius, Roman History 47:18:33. 26. Suetonius, Augwtw 15. 27. Suetonius, Julius 85. 28. Ibid. 88. 29. He disdained the title CCDorniniu/’ (“Lord”) because he preferred to be known as the governor of free men rather than the master of slaves; Suetonius, Aug@u.s 53. 30. Suetonius, Augustus 52-53; Tacitus, Annals 1:10. Cp. BeckWith, A@alypse, p. 199. Henderson, Five Roman Emperors, pp. 27iT Fnedrich Dusterdieck, Critical and Exegetical Handbook to th Revelation of John, 3rd cd., trans. Henry E. Jacobs (New York Funk and Wagnalls, 1886), p. 51. Ratton, Apocaly@e, p. 48. 31. Selwyn, Chri.rtian Prophets, pp. 122-123.
T/w Role of Emperor Worship 267 western provinces, so that Philo could say, that everywhere honors were decreed to him equal to those of the Olympian gods. “3 2 In one respect Octavian had long been unique: since 42 B.C. and the consecrations of Divus Julius he had been the son of a god, “Divi filius.” After Actium his birthday was celebrated as a public holiday; libations were poured in his honour at public and private banquets; from 29 B.C. his name was added to those of the gods in hymns; two years later he received the title of Augustus; his Genius, perhaps in 12 B. C., was inserted in oficial oaths between the names of Juppiter and the Di Penates; in A.D. 13 an altar was dedicated by Tiberius in Rome to the Numen Augusti. 33 Accordingly Suetonius noted of the emperor Claudius that he used as “his most sacred and frequent oath ‘By Augustus.’ “3 4 Interestingly, late date advocate Moffatt has an excellent summary of the cult as it existed in focus on Augustus: Since the days of Augustus, the emperor had been viewed as the guardian and genius of the empire, responsible for its welfare and consequently worthy of its veneration. It was a convenient method of concentrating and expressing loyalty, to acknowledge him as entitled to the prestige of a certain sanctity, even during his lifetime. . . . Its political convenience, however, lent it increasing momentum. Gradually, on the worship of the Lares Augusti in Italy and the capital . . . and on the association of the imperial cultus with that of dea Roma (to whom a temple had been erected at Smyrna as far back as 195 B.C.), the new canonisation rose to its height, never jealous of local cults, but thriving by means of its adaptability to the religious syncretism of the age. It was the reli~ous sanction of the new imperialism. It had temples, sacrifices, choirs (as at Smyrna), and even a priesthood (the “Socales Augustales”) of its own. For obvious reasons the cult flourished luxuriantly in the provinces, particularly in Asia Minor, where the emperor was often regarded as an incarnation of the local god or named before him. . . . The cultus, attaching itself like mistletoe to institutions and local rites alike, shot up profusely; polytheism found little trouble in admitting the emperor to a place beside the gods, and occasionally, as in the case of Augustus and Apollo, or of Domitian and Zeus, “the emperor 32. Beckwith, Apoca@e, p. 199. 33. %ullard, G%chi to Nero, p. 242. 34. Claudius, 11.
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T/w Role of Emperor Worship 267<br />
western provinces, so that Philo could say, that everywhere honors<br />
were decreed to him equal to those of the Olympian gods. “3 2<br />
In one respect Octavian had long been unique: since 42 B.C. and the<br />
consecrations of Divus Julius he had been the son of a god, “Divi<br />
filius.” After Actium his birthday was celebrated as a public holiday;<br />
libations were poured in his honour at public and private banquets;<br />
from 29 B.C. his name was added to those of the gods in hymns; two<br />
years later he received the title of Augustus; his Genius, perhaps in<br />
12 B. C., was inserted in oficial oaths between the names of Juppiter<br />
and the Di Penates; in A.D. 13 an altar was dedicated by Tiberius in<br />
Rome to the Numen Augusti. 33<br />
Accordingly Suetonius noted of the emperor Claudius that he used<br />
as “his most sacred and frequent oath ‘By Augustus.’ “3 4<br />
Interestingly, late date advocate Moffatt has an excellent summary<br />
of the cult as it existed in focus on Augustus:<br />
Since the days of Augustus, the emperor had been viewed as the<br />
guardian and genius of the empire, responsible for its welfare and<br />
consequently worthy of its veneration. It was a convenient method of<br />
concentrating and expressing loyalty, to acknowledge him as entitled<br />
to the prestige of a certain sanctity, even during his lifetime. . . . Its<br />
political convenience, however, lent it increasing momentum. Gradually,<br />
on the worship of the Lares Augusti in Italy and the capital . . .<br />
and on the association of the imperial cultus with that of dea Roma (to<br />
whom a temple had been erected at Smyrna as far back as 195 B.C.),<br />
the new canonisation rose to its height, never jealous of local cults,<br />
but thriving by means of its adaptability to the religious syncretism<br />
of the age. It was the reli~ous sanction of the new imperialism. It had<br />
temples, sacrifices, choirs (as at Smyrna), and even a priesthood (the<br />
“Socales Augustales”) of its own.<br />
For obvious reasons the cult flourished luxuriantly in the provinces,<br />
particularly in Asia Minor, where the emperor was often regarded<br />
as an incarnation of the local god or named before him. . . .<br />
The cultus, attaching itself like mistletoe to institutions and local rites<br />
alike, shot up profusely; polytheism found little trouble in admitting<br />
the emperor to a place beside the gods, and occasionally, as in the<br />
case of Augustus and Apollo, or of Domitian and Zeus, “the emperor<br />
32. Beckwith, Apoca@e, p. 199.<br />
33. %ullard, G%chi to Nero, p. 242.<br />
34. Claudius, 11.