Before Jerusalem Fell
by Kenneth L. Gentry by Kenneth L. Gentry
The Identip of th Sixth King 153 Galba, Otho, and Vitellius on the grounds that they were a mere interregnum between Nero and Vespasian in that Suetonius calls them a “rebellw trium principum.” 19 Other scholars (e.g., Mounce, Beckwith, and Sweet)*” see the “seven kings” reference as primarily symbolic, making no essential historical allusions. Employing this approach it may be said that ‘~ohn’s history, like his geography and arithmetic, is spiritual (11:8); his hearers needed to be told not who was reigning but his spiritual affiliations. The number seven is symbolic — there were many more churches than seven – though it can refer to actual entities. John means to represent the Roman power as a historic whole.”21 Some argue that the series was inconsequential because John was not a “statistical historian” but ratier an “apocalyptic seer.” Hence, the number seven involved appeared merely to conform to the sacred requirement of the task. 22 Still others, particularly among futurists (e.g., Walvoord, Seiss, Ladd, and Alford)23 hold that the “heads” represent successive king- doms. This school generally denies the geographical referent as indi- cating Rome. In this view the seven heads/mountains are representa- tive either of “seven different manifestations of the world-power in history”24 or “seven kings who represent seven successive forms of the kingdom,” that is, “to successive imperial governments.”2 5 Our Approach Let us consider the most readily apparent and surely the correct Abhgdon, 1971), p. 964. Martin Rist, “The Revelation of St. John the Divine,” in The Interpreter’s Bible Commentary, vol. 12 (New York Abingdon, 1957), p. 495. 19. Suetonius, Ves@.sian 1. 20. Mounce, Revelation, pp. 315-316. Isbon T. BeckWith, Tb Apoca~pse of John: Studies in Zntrodudion (Grand Rapids Baker, [1917] 1967), p. 257. 21. J. P. M. Sweet, Rewlation. Westminster Pelican Commentaries (Philadelphia Westminster, 1979), p. 257. 22. Shirley Jackson Case, 77u Revelation of John: A Histotial Interpretation (Chicago University of Chicago, 1919), pp. 343-344. 23. Walvoord, Revelation, pp. 250K. Joseph A. Seiss, The Apoculy@e (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1957), pp. 391ff. George Eldon Ladd, A ComrnentaV on the Raelation of John (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1972), pp. 229fI Henry Alford, The Creek New 72stamerd, vol. 4 (Chicago Moody, rep. 1958), pp. 710ff. 24. Herman Hoeksema, Behold, He Cometh! An Expm-itwn of the Book of Revelation (Grand Rapids: Reformed Free Publishing, 1969), pp. 572,573. 25. Walvoord, Revelation, p. 252.
154 BEFORE JERUSALEM FELL view first. Then we will comment upon both the objections to the above proposed view and the deficiencies of the opposing views. It is true that the Roman empire was officially established as an empire under Augustus, and that there are some scattered lists of the emperors that seem to begin the enumeration with Augustus. Never- theless, it seems patent that the enumeration of the “kings” should most logically begin with Julius Caesar. As Stuart observed: “At most, only an occasional beginning of the count with Augustus can be shown, in classic authors. The almost universal usage is against it ~26 For instance, as we consider TacitUs’s statements in Annals 1:127 and Histmie~ 1:1,28 we discover that in regard to information relevant to our inquiry he really only states two things of consequence regard- ing Augustus as emperor. One is that Julius refused to be called “king,” while Augustus accepted such a designation. The other is that the empire was established on an uninterrupted foundation with Augustus (upon Julius’s death the empire was involved in a power struggle for twelve years). Here, then, we do not have a denial of Julius’s role as the first “king” of the empire at all. Neither do we have a denial of his role as the first ruler of what shortly would become the Roman Empire. The same is true of the statement of Aurelius Victor (4th century) in his Abbreviated History of t~ Camars. He, too, speaks of the uninterrupted state of rule in Rome. In his E@-tome (1:1) is another example of the idea of permanency, along with formal usage of the titles Imperator and Augustw. Nothing he writes precludes the understanding that Julius was the first of the Roman Emperors. Other such references are much later than even Victor, and are thus too far beyond the era in which John wrote to be of much value. The determination should be based upon relatively contemporaneous authorities current in his day. As a matter of historical fact, we must note that Julius did claim 26. Stuart, A@ca@e 2:276. 27. Annals 1:1 states: “Neither Cinna nor Sulla created a lasting despotism: Pompey and Crassus quickly forfeited their power to Caesar, and Lepidus and An tony their swords to Augustus, who, under the style of ‘Prince,’ gathered beneath his empire a world outworn by civil broils.” 28. Histories 1:1 notes: “After the battle of Actium, when the intereats of peace required that all power should be concentrated in the hands of one man. . . .“
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154 BEFORE JERUSALEM FELL<br />
view first. Then we will comment upon both the objections to the<br />
above proposed view and the deficiencies of the opposing views.<br />
It is true that the Roman empire was officially established as an<br />
empire under Augustus, and that there are some scattered lists of the<br />
emperors that seem to begin the enumeration with Augustus. Never-<br />
theless, it seems patent that the enumeration of the “kings” should<br />
most logically begin with Julius Caesar. As Stuart observed: “At<br />
most, only an occasional beginning of the count with Augustus can<br />
be shown, in classic authors. The almost universal usage is against<br />
it ~26<br />
For instance, as we consider TacitUs’s statements in Annals 1:127<br />
and Histmie~ 1:1,28 we discover that in regard to information relevant<br />
to our inquiry he really only states two things of consequence regard-<br />
ing Augustus as emperor. One is that Julius refused to be called<br />
“king,” while Augustus accepted such a designation. The other is<br />
that the empire was established on an uninterrupted foundation with<br />
Augustus (upon Julius’s death the empire was involved in a power<br />
struggle for twelve years). Here, then, we do not have a denial of<br />
Julius’s role as the first “king” of the empire at all. Neither do we<br />
have a denial of his role as the first ruler of what shortly would<br />
become the Roman Empire.<br />
The same is true of the statement of Aurelius Victor (4th century)<br />
in his Abbreviated History of t~ Camars. He, too, speaks of the uninterrupted<br />
state of rule in Rome. In his E@-tome (1:1) is another example<br />
of the idea of permanency, along with formal usage of the titles<br />
Imperator and Augustw. Nothing he writes precludes the understanding<br />
that Julius was the first of the Roman Emperors. Other such<br />
references are much later than even Victor, and are thus too far<br />
beyond the era in which John wrote to be of much value. The<br />
determination should be based upon relatively contemporaneous<br />
authorities current in his day.<br />
As a matter of historical fact, we must note that Julius did claim<br />
26. Stuart, A@ca@e 2:276.<br />
27. Annals 1:1 states: “Neither Cinna nor Sulla created a lasting despotism: Pompey<br />
and Crassus quickly forfeited their power to Caesar, and Lepidus and An tony their<br />
swords to Augustus, who, under the style of ‘Prince,’ gathered beneath his empire a world<br />
outworn by civil broils.”<br />
28. Histories 1:1 notes: “After the battle of Actium, when the intereats of peace required<br />
that all power should be concentrated in the hands of one man. . . .“