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SOCIAL-EMOTIONAL DEVELOPMENT<br />

26<br />

sist in circumstances in which they are<br />

unlikely to succeed. This orientation<br />

can, under some circumstances, result<br />

in a learned helplessness orientation<br />

in which children tend to give up after<br />

failing because they do not have confidence<br />

in their ability to succeed. In<br />

contrast, children with a “learning (or<br />

mastery) orientation” focus on efforts<br />

that increase their ability. These children<br />

will be more likely to tackle difficult<br />

challenges if they can foster new<br />

learning (even if their initial efforts<br />

result in failure) and are more likely<br />

to persist until they are successful.<br />

This is the kind of learning orientation<br />

that best predicts classroom achievement.<br />

These differences in learning<br />

orientation are readily observed<br />

among primary grade students, but<br />

there is evidence that they are present<br />

among older preschoolers as well<br />

(see Burhans and Dweck 1995; Smiley<br />

and Dweck 1994). Research by Dweck<br />

and her colleagues indicates that these<br />

differences arise from many influences,<br />

including the kinds of reactions<br />

by parents and teachers to children’s<br />

achievement successes and failures<br />

that emphasize the child’s intrinsic<br />

ability and strong effort.<br />

The research on learning orientations<br />

focuses on individual differences<br />

among children of a given age. But<br />

there are also developmental differences<br />

in preschool children’s initiative<br />

in learning, with younger children<br />

being more likely to approach new<br />

Young children’s natural curiosity,<br />

interest, and self-confidence that they<br />

can discover the answers to their<br />

questions are a central component<br />

of their capacities to benefit from<br />

learning opportunities.<br />

learning situations with enthusiasm<br />

and self-confidence but not necessarily<br />

with persistence in confronting difficult<br />

problem-solving situations. In contrast,<br />

older children are more active<br />

learners who are more persistent but<br />

who are also more likely to be creative<br />

problem solvers, proposing their own<br />

ideas and approaching new learning<br />

opportunities with initiative and<br />

involvement (see Committee on Early<br />

Childhood Pedagogy 2001; The Role of<br />

Interest in <strong>Learning</strong> and Development<br />

1992; Renninger and Wozniak 1985;<br />

Flavell, Miller, and Miller 2001).<br />

Social Interaction<br />

Interactions with Familiar<br />

Adults<br />

Young children regularly interact<br />

with familiar adults in preschool<br />

and other early childhood settings.<br />

Although these adults are not attachment<br />

figures, and children’s relationships<br />

with them are not necessarily<br />

sources of security and support, a<br />

child’s ability to interact competently<br />

with familiar adults is important to<br />

social competence and the ability to<br />

obtain the assistance the child needs.<br />

The ability to interact with other adults<br />

is important also to school success<br />

because children in kindergarten and<br />

the primary grades must interact with<br />

many adults other than their teachers.<br />

With the primary focus of developmental<br />

research on young children’s<br />

establishment and maintenance of<br />

close relationships, scientists have<br />

devoted considerably less attention to<br />

the growth of social skills relevant to<br />

interacting with familiar adults (see<br />

Durkin 1995 for a general source).<br />

The relevant research offers a por-<br />

<strong>Preschool</strong> <strong>Learning</strong> <strong>Foundations</strong>, Volume 1 • <strong>California</strong> Department of Education

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