Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
s p o n t a n e i t y bounds. To attempt to bind the initiative … to surround it with barbed wire, is to render it incapable of accomplishing the tremendous tasks of the hour.” Lefebvre and Luxemburg should be on the reading lists of antiglobalizers everywhere; ditto for every Marxist. “Killing a spontaneous ideology, instead of trying to understand it and guide it toward a practice which may overcome it at the right moment— neither too early nor too late—that,” Lefebvre maintains, “is a mark of dogmatism” (p. 70). Without spontaneity nothing happens, nothing progresses. “Power therefore regards spontaneity as the enemy” (p. 70). Always, spontaneity expresses itself in the street, the authentic arena of Lefebvre’s Marxist politics, where it can spawn within everyday life, even transform everyday life, be festive, an intense Rabelaisian moment of everyday life, an emotional release. 7 The street is an arena of society not completely occupied by institutions. Institutions fear the street: they try to cordon it off, try to repress street spontaneity, try to separate different factions of protesters in the street, quelling the apparent disorder, seeking to reaffirm order, in the name of the law. From street level, from below, contestation can spread to institutional areas, above. Spontaneous contestation can unveil power, bring it out in the open, out of its mirrored-glass offices, its black-car motorcades, its private country clubs, its conference rooms—sometimes it doesn’t even let power into its conference rooms! Since Seattle, streets have become explicitly politicized, filling in the void left by institutional politics. In the streets, globalization is brought home to roost, somewhere. Therein lies the strength of spontaneous street contestation; therein lies its weakness: the weakness of localism, of symbolism, of “partial practice,” of nihilism. And yet, the explosion of street politics and spontaneity in Seattle, in Washington, in New York, in Davos, Switzerland (where the World Economic Forum meets annually), as well as 51
H e n r i L e F e b v r e in Quebec City (April 2001), where tear gas and water cannons met those protesting the Free Trade Area of the Americas talks, has led to the rebirth within radicalism of the phenomenon of violence. Violence is connected with spontaneity and with contestation—“with forces that are in search of orientation and can exist only by expressing themselves” (p. 72). Thirty thousand protesters expressed contestation by piling into Quebec where thirty-four heads of state gathered to talk about a “free trade” bloc for the Americas, a sort of NAFTA on steroids. Eight hundred million people would be drawn into its neoliberal remit, spanning Alaska to Argentina. “SMASH CAPITALISM!” one oppositional graffito read; “FREEDOM CAN’T BE BOUGHT!” said another. Cheerleaders, using bullhorns, sang “WELCOME TO THE CARNIVAL AGAINST CAPITALISM!” Gray-haired activists linked arms with their green-haired counterparts, and as well as marching in the street, chanting, and singing, they organized their very own “Peoples’ Summit,” with its counterglobalization manifesto, a grassroots version. Surrounding the venue was a giant chain-link fence, a security zone, keeping demonstrators strictly off-limits. “Wall of shame” became its nickname, before rabblerousers tore it down. Violence, for Lefebvre, is unavoidable in radical struggle. Breaking things up, making nonsense out of meaning (and meaning out of nonsense), throwing bricks through Starbuck’s windows, driving tractors into McDonald’s, burning cars, daubing graffiti on walls—all are justifiable responses to state repression and corporate injustice, to the “latent violence” of power. Hence they are legitimate forms of “counterviolence.” In this sense, violence expresses what Lefebvre calls a “lag” between “peaceful coexistence” and “stagnating social relations,” symptomatic of “new contradictions super-imposed on older contradictions that were veiled, blurred, reduced, but never resolved” (pp. 72–73). Lefebvre sees a certain political purchase in slightly mad destructive behavior, 52
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s p o n t a n e i t y<br />
bounds. To attempt to bind the initiative … to surround it with<br />
barbed wire, is to render it incapable of accomplishing the tremendous<br />
tasks of the hour.”<br />
<strong>Lefebvre</strong> and Luxemburg should be on the reading lists of<br />
antiglobalizers everywhere; ditto for every Marxist. “Killing a<br />
spontaneous ideology, instead of trying to understand it and guide<br />
it toward a practice which may overcome it at the right moment—<br />
neither too early nor too late—that,” <strong>Lefebvre</strong> maintains, “is a<br />
mark of dogmatism” (p. 70). Without spontaneity nothing happens,<br />
nothing progresses. “Power therefore regards spontaneity<br />
as the enemy” (p. 70). Always, spontaneity expresses itself in the<br />
street, the authentic arena of <strong>Lefebvre</strong>’s Marxist politics, where it<br />
can spawn within everyday life, even transform everyday life, be<br />
festive, an intense Rabelaisian moment of everyday life, an emotional<br />
release. 7<br />
The street is an arena of society not completely occupied by<br />
institutions. Institutions fear the street: they try to cordon it off,<br />
try to repress street spontaneity, try to separate different factions<br />
of protesters in the street, quelling the apparent disorder, seeking<br />
to reaffirm order, in the name of the law. From street level,<br />
from below, contestation can spread to institutional areas, above.<br />
Spontaneous contestation can unveil power, bring it out in the<br />
open, out of its mirrored-glass offices, its black-car motorcades, its<br />
private country clubs, its conference rooms—sometimes it doesn’t<br />
even let power into its conference rooms! Since Seattle, streets<br />
have become explicitly politicized, filling in the void left by institutional<br />
politics. In the streets, globalization is brought home to<br />
roost, somewhere. Therein lies the strength of spontaneous street<br />
contestation; therein lies its weakness: the weakness of localism,<br />
of symbolism, of “partial practice,” of nihilism.<br />
And yet, the explosion of street politics and spontaneity<br />
in Seattle, in Washington, in New York, in Davos, Switzerland<br />
(where the World Economic Forum meets annually), as well as<br />
51