Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
s p o n t a n e i t y from the outside. By itself, the working class is capable only of a restrictive, “pure-and-simple trade union consciousness.” As a result, the working class needed a party, led by an elite vanguard, by dedicated intellectuals who would make revolution their calling, who would purge the movement of its spontaneity, dictate a tight, tactical program of action, especially “to rebellious students … to discontented religious sectaries, to indignant school teachers, etc.” The Marxist–Leninist campaign against spontaneity, Lefebvre laments, has “been waged in the name of science, in the name of insurrection viewed as a technique, and in the name of organization” (p. 69). This had a catastrophic effect on looser, populist protesting, throwing the baby out with the bathwater. Indeed, certain strains of Marxism followed Lenin’s edict that spontaneity was devoid of value, that it was essentially irrational. Spontaneity lacked the military discipline Lenin wanted, lacked his centralist take on organization, regressed into “tailism,” with the tail wagging the dog, the masses steering the party, and a “slavish kowtowing before spontaneity.” Lefebvre’s humanist Marxism bonds with Luxemburg’s, mirroring Louis Althusser’s antihumanist bonding with Lenin. (Althusser’s Leninist-inspired Reading Capital appeared one year after The Explosion.) While Lefebvre’s loose, energetic, rapid-fire formulations and spontaneous outpourings attracted student–militant readers, the clinical rigor and paired-down style of arch- Leninist Althusser likewise had appeal (especially in the post-’68 period when street spontaneity quieted). What Lefebvre articulated in weighty tomes, stretching for hundreds of playful pages, Althusser laid down solid in a chapter. The tight, disciplined, tactical theoretical and practical program that Lenin preached underwrote Althusser’s best texts like For Marx, Reading Capital, and Lenin and Philosophy, where he constructed a “scientific” Marxist theory, grounded in concrete concepts, a veritable analytical tool 49
H e n r i L e F e b v r e with coherence and form. When the fighting stopped, and when people came up for air during the 1970s, Althusser’s ideas thus cornered an ever-growing radical niche. Luxemburg, however, like Lefebvre, has no truck with Lenin’s “ultra-centralist tendency,” rejecting his contempt for nonaligned working-class activism, for the “objectivity” of the party that Althusser equally underscored. Different progressive and workingclass federations, Luxemburg wrote in The Russian Revolution, and Leninism or Marxism? needed a “liberty of action.” 6 That way they could better “develop their revolutionary initiative and … utilize all the resources of a situation.” Lenin’s line was “full of the sterile spirit of overseer. It is not a positive and creative spirit.” Luxemburg is more generous, more sensitive to the ups and downs of struggle, in the course of which an organization emanates and grows, unpredictably pell-mell. Social democracy, she said, isn’t just “invented”; it is “the product of a series of great creative acts of the often spontaneous class struggle seeking its way forward.” Of course, a movement might not immediately recognize itself within this class struggle, given people become aware of themselves objectively, as members of the working class, during the course of struggle. They define themselves through their opposite, through encountering a “ruling class,” their other, people who are different from them, who have power and wealth and authority and whose interests are different from theirs, against theirs somehow. Class becomes acknowledged en route—not a priori—through a struggle for recognition, as Hegel would have said. Sometimes this could be misrecognition, too. There aren’t any precisely prescribed sets of revolutionary tactics, no tactical recipe books. In fact, “the erection of an air-tight partition between the classconscious nucleus of the proletariat already in the party and its immediate popular environment” is, for Luxemburg, mindlessly sectarian. The unconscious comes forth before the conscious; the movement, she said, advances “spontaneously by leaps and 50
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e<br />
with coherence and form. When the fighting stopped, and when<br />
people came up for air during the 1970s, Althusser’s ideas thus<br />
cornered an ever-growing radical niche.<br />
Luxemburg, however, like <strong>Lefebvre</strong>, has no truck with Lenin’s<br />
“ultra-centralist tendency,” rejecting his contempt for nonaligned<br />
working-class activism, for the “objectivity” of the party that<br />
Althusser equally underscored. Different progressive and workingclass<br />
federations, Luxemburg wrote in The Russian Revolution,<br />
and Leninism or Marxism? needed a “liberty of action.” 6 That<br />
way they could better “develop their revolutionary initiative and<br />
… utilize all the resources of a situation.” Lenin’s line was “full of<br />
the sterile spirit of overseer. It is not a positive and creative spirit.”<br />
Luxemburg is more generous, more sensitive to the ups and downs<br />
of struggle, in the course of which an organization emanates and<br />
grows, unpredictably pell-mell. Social democracy, she said, isn’t<br />
just “invented”; it is “the product of a series of great creative acts<br />
of the often spontaneous class struggle seeking its way forward.”<br />
Of course, a movement might not immediately recognize itself<br />
within this class struggle, given people become aware of themselves<br />
objectively, as members of the working class, during the<br />
course of struggle. They define themselves through their opposite,<br />
through encountering a “ruling class,” their other, people who are<br />
different from them, who have power and wealth and authority and<br />
whose interests are different from theirs, against theirs somehow.<br />
Class becomes acknowledged en route—not a priori—through<br />
a struggle for recognition, as Hegel would have said. Sometimes<br />
this could be misrecognition, too. There aren’t any precisely prescribed<br />
sets of revolutionary tactics, no tactical recipe books.<br />
In fact, “the erection of an air-tight partition between the classconscious<br />
nucleus of the proletariat already in the party and its<br />
immediate popular environment” is, for Luxemburg, mindlessly<br />
sectarian. The unconscious comes forth before the conscious;<br />
the movement, she said, advances “spontaneously by leaps and<br />
50