Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
s p o n t a n e i t y itself ‘pure.’ ” So eruptive events are both unique and general, and are rude awakenings for those who show contempt for history or are preoccupied with stability. Eruptive events, Lefebvre says, in words that could easily have been directed at our current neoliberal bigwigs, “pull thinkers out of their comfortable seats and plunge them headlong into a wave of contradictions. Those who are obsessed with stability lose their smiling confidence and good humor” (p. 8). The big question that follows is, “What is new and what is certain in the midst of uncertainty?” Some things change, others don’t. In 1968, like today, Lefebvre recognizes the boredom (ennui) associated with Marxism, at least on the left. (Revulsion still prevails on the right.) Then, like now, history was apparently propelled by technology not by class struggle; the main dilemma was (is) no longer control of development but the “technical programming of the fruits of technology” (p. 10)—as Alan Greenspan reiterated throughout the 1990s. Then, as now, alienation was said to have disappeared in a society of abundance, leisure, and consumption. In 1968, French life was ruled by a technocracy and “monopoly capital” who tried to “deideologize” society, yet whose grip on that society was loosening. The older generation had previously wanted in, had demanded consumer goods, increased wages, refrigerators, and automobiles; the younger ’68 generation wanted out, demanded something more—a bit like today’s Seattle generation—asking what price the growth, what cost the material wealth? Then, as now, a complex intermingling of cultural, political, and economic forces prevailed. Then, as now, there was a mixture of old and new contradictions. Of course, the basic class contradiction between private ownership of the means of production and the social character of productive labor, considered primary by Marx, remained unresolved in 1968—and still does. But ownership of these productive forces was in 1968, like now, no longer the same as in Marx’s day. What had happened instead, Lefebvre 45
H e n r i L e F e b v r e thought in 1968, presciently, is a newer contradiction: the growth of “the entire complex of organizations and institutions engaged in management and decision-making. They are superimposed on the economic organizations proper, and constitute the foundation and instrument of what is called Power. They appear to constitute a system. The term ‘capitalist system’ has not lost its meaning in the century that has elapsed since the appearance in 1867 of Volume 1 of Capital. Far from it. Its meaning has become more precise. It has become clearly and distinctly political” (pp. 14–15). Thus, on one hand, nations and nationality have been engulfed by economic factors and commodity dictates, pretty much as the Manifesto prophesied; on the other hand, Marx clearly overstated bourgeois commitment to “free trade,” to its tearing down of every barrier to production and exchange. Indeed, the most powerful members of this class have collectively devised all sorts of regulatory (and deregulatory) devices to politically finagle and actively restrict, manipulate, and control certain markets (as well as the world market), establishing new superstate and suprastate authorities, new gigantic executive committees for managing the common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie 4 —hence an ever-growing list of organizations, trade agreements, and acronyms, bizarrely touting the virtues of free trade, of a neoliberalism without tears. Consequently, Lefebvre is right to suggest Marx “could not anticipate the flexibility and adaptive powers of these relations, and this in spite of his stipulation that capitalism had inherent limits” (p. 19). Nor, moreover, could Marx ever have foreseen “that critical and revolutionary Marxism would be transformed into the ideological superstructure of socialist countries” (p. 19). Neither could he foresee exactly where, and when, any radical contestation of this capitalist executive committee would flare up. * * * 46
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e<br />
thought in 1968, presciently, is a newer contradiction: the growth<br />
of “the entire complex of organizations and institutions engaged in<br />
management and decision-making. They are superimposed on the<br />
economic organizations proper, and constitute the foundation and<br />
instrument of what is called Power. They appear to constitute a<br />
system. The term ‘capitalist system’ has not lost its meaning in the<br />
century that has elapsed since the appearance in 1867 of Volume 1<br />
of Capital. Far from it. Its meaning has become more precise. It<br />
has become clearly and distinctly political” (pp. 14–15).<br />
Thus, on one hand, nations and nationality have been engulfed<br />
by economic factors and commodity dictates, pretty much as the<br />
Manifesto prophesied; on the other hand, Marx clearly overstated<br />
bourgeois commitment to “free trade,” to its tearing down of every<br />
barrier to production and exchange. Indeed, the most powerful<br />
members of this class have collectively devised all sorts of regulatory<br />
(and deregulatory) devices to politically finagle and actively<br />
restrict, manipulate, and control certain markets (as well as the<br />
world market), establishing new superstate and suprastate authorities,<br />
new gigantic executive committees for managing the common<br />
affairs of the whole bourgeoisie 4 —hence an ever-growing<br />
list of organizations, trade agreements, and acronyms, bizarrely<br />
touting the virtues of free trade, of a neoliberalism without tears.<br />
Consequently, <strong>Lefebvre</strong> is right to suggest Marx “could not anticipate<br />
the flexibility and adaptive powers of these relations, and<br />
this in spite of his stipulation that capitalism had inherent limits”<br />
(p. 19). Nor, moreover, could Marx ever have foreseen “that<br />
critical and revolutionary Marxism would be transformed into the<br />
ideological superstructure of socialist countries” (p. 19). Neither<br />
could he foresee exactly where, and when, any radical contestation<br />
of this capitalist executive committee would flare up.<br />
* * *<br />
46