Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
s p o n t a n e i t y various free spirits. All, however, are more likely to root for the Zapatistas than for Karl Marx. The generational rift between these two factions is apparent, as are their organization platforms and ideological bases. In such a context, Lefebvre shines as somebody who brought— can still bring—together older socialists and younger protesters to analyze the same problematic and to act on the street. The issues he devoted himself toward haven’t, alas, been resolved: changing life, changing society, the links between theory and praxis, between spontaneity and planning, between attack and defense. Lefebvre addressed these questions fifty years ago, and he can continue to help ferment the kind of oppositional lingua franca needed today, especially to move along resistance against neoliberalism and neoconservatism. Lefebvre thrived from creating new ideas and fresh ways of seeing and reinventing himself. Each reinvention built on an already accomplished body of work, yet took it further, propelled it onward; sometimes it tore it down, set it ablaze; frequently his notions combusted spontaneously. He was animated by the thought of “explosion,” by something abrupt and sudden, by an event or practice unforeseen and unplanned. Indeed, explosive metaphors are writ large in Lefebvre’s œuvre: he reveled in “detonation,” in blowing things up, in stirring up magic potions that fizzle and create bubbles. The metaphor equally says a lot about his own explosive and impulsive character, about why he was and remains a dangerous thinker. * * * In the thirty years prior to the 1960s, Lefebvre believed radicalism all but extinct. Economic growth, material affluence, a world war and a cold war had destroyed, absorbed, bought off, and won over many intellectuals of his generation. Ghettoized or brainwashed, they either died off or killed themselves off, lost themselves or 43
H e n r i L e F e b v r e found themselves fraternizing with the mainstream, becoming the self-same bureaucrats and technocrats Lefebvre detested, propping up the institutions of modern power he critiqued—anonymous and depersonalized, clinical and Kafkaesque sorts of power. (Lefebvre knew he needed to develop younger friendships, if only to ensure he wasn’t another sad victim.) And yet, “worldwide,” he acknowledged on the cusp of revolt, with his finger typically on the pulse, “avant-gardes are forming again, and making their voices heard. It is an observable fact. … They are perfectly convinced that we are all caught up in a gigantic stupidity, a colossal, dreary, pedantic ugliness, which stands victorious over the corpses of spontaneity, taste and lucidity.” 2 In May 1968, students and workers at last began to realize, as they did in 1999, the gigantic stupidity they were caught up in. And in its taste for spontaneity and lucidity, as well as a desire to advance action and explain its intent, The Explosion sought to steer a dialectical path between the rationality of theory and the irrationality of action. Lefebvre tries to deal with the slippage between the two, between lucidity and spontaneity, recoupling thinking and acting within an explicitly political analysis, an analysis that opens up the horizon of possible alternatives. “Events,” he insists at the start of the text, “belie forecasts.” 3 Who, for instance, could have predicted with any certainty the turbulent Maydays in Paris or those of Seattle in November and December 1999? “To the extent that events are historic,” he says, “they upset calculations. They may even overturn strategies that provided for their possible occurrence. Because of their conjunctural nature, events upset the structures which made them possible” (p. 7). As such, events are always original. Nevertheless, original events always get reabsorbed into a “general situation,” and their “particularities in no way exclude analyses, references, repetitions, and fresh starts” (p. 7). Nothing “is absolutely virginal, not even the violence which considers 44
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s p o n t a n e i t y<br />
various free spirits. All, however, are more likely to root for the<br />
Zapatistas than for Karl Marx. The generational rift between these<br />
two factions is apparent, as are their organization platforms and<br />
ideological bases.<br />
In such a context, <strong>Lefebvre</strong> shines as somebody who brought—<br />
can still bring—together older socialists and younger protesters to<br />
analyze the same problematic and to act on the street. The issues<br />
he devoted himself toward haven’t, alas, been resolved: changing<br />
life, changing society, the links between theory and praxis,<br />
between spontaneity and planning, between attack and defense.<br />
<strong>Lefebvre</strong> addressed these questions fifty years ago, and he can<br />
continue to help ferment the kind of oppositional lingua franca<br />
needed today, especially to move along resistance against neoliberalism<br />
and neoconservatism. <strong>Lefebvre</strong> thrived from creating<br />
new ideas and fresh ways of seeing and reinventing himself. Each<br />
reinvention built on an already accomplished body of work, yet<br />
took it further, propelled it onward; sometimes it tore it down, set<br />
it ablaze; frequently his notions combusted spontaneously. He was<br />
animated by the thought of “explosion,” by something abrupt and<br />
sudden, by an event or practice unforeseen and unplanned. Indeed,<br />
explosive metaphors are writ large in <strong>Lefebvre</strong>’s œuvre: he reveled<br />
in “detonation,” in blowing things up, in stirring up magic potions<br />
that fizzle and create bubbles. The metaphor equally says a lot<br />
about his own explosive and impulsive character, about why he<br />
was and remains a dangerous thinker.<br />
* * *<br />
In the thirty years prior to the 1960s, <strong>Lefebvre</strong> believed radicalism<br />
all but extinct. Economic growth, material affluence, a world war<br />
and a cold war had destroyed, absorbed, bought off, and won over<br />
many intellectuals of his generation. Ghettoized or brainwashed,<br />
they either died off or killed themselves off, lost themselves or<br />
43