Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
M o M e n t s emphasis), “appeared to me a lot more essential than all others: radical discontinuities blurred into a theory that placed involution, or its dissolution, on the same plane as revolution. Ultimately, I conspired that the theory of moments, considered as a unique philosophy and ontology, might eliminate the idea of human historicity.” The political moment, as Lefebvre wills it, is a pure and absolute act of contestation: a street demo or flying picket, a rent strike or a general strike. Streets would be the staging, and the drama might be epic or absurd or both, scripted by Brecht or Chaplin or Rabelais—who could tell? It’s meant to be spontaneous, after all. Lefebvre points out how Hegel and Marx each emphasized the importance of the “moment.” All dialectical movement progressed through different moments: moments of skeptical, negative consciousness defined history for Hegel; moments of contradictory unity defined and structured capitalism for Marx. All reality for both thinkers was momentary, transient, in motion, in fluid state, whether as an idea or as material reality. Just as alienation reflected an absence, a dead moment empty of critical content, the Lefebvrian moment signified a presence, a fullness, alive and connected. Lefebvre’s theory of moments implied a certain notion of liberty and passion. “For the old-fashioned romantic,” he quips in La Somme et le Reste, “the fall of a leaf is a moment as significant as the fall of a state for a revolutionary.” 21 Either way, whether for the romantic or for the revolutionary—or for the romantic revolutionary—a moment has a “certain specific duration.” “Relatively durable,” Lefebvre says, “it stands out from the continuum of transitories within the amorphous realm of the psyche.” The moment “wants to endure. It cannot endure (at least, not for very long). Yet this inner contradiction gives it its intensity, which reaches crisis point when the inevitably of its own demise becomes apparent.” 22 For a moment, “the instant of greatest importance is the instant of failure. The drama is situated within that instant of failure: it is the emergence from the everyday 29
H e n r i L e F e b v r e or collapse on failing to emerge, it is a caricature or a tragedy, a successful festival or a dubious ceremony.” 23 The spirit of past revolutions, replete with all their successes and failings, seems nearby: of 1789 and 1830; of 1848 and the 1871 Paris Commune; of 1917, 1949, and 1959; of the 1968 “Student Commune” (though Lefebvre wouldn’t know it yet). Moments don’t crop up anywhere, or at any time, at whim or by magic. The moment may be a marvel of the everyday, Lefebvre says, but it isn’t a miracle. Indeed, the moment has its motives, and without those motives it wouldn’t intervene in “the sad hinterland of everyday dullness” (p. 356). It is everyday life where possibility becomes apparent in “all its brute spontaneity and ambiguity. It is in the everyday that the inaugural decision is made by which the moment begins and opens out; this decision perceives a possibility, chooses it from among other possibilities, takes it in charge and becomes committed to it unreservedly” (p. 351). Everyday life, consequently, “is the native soil in which the moment germinates and takes root” (p. 357). * * * The Lefebvrian moment bore an uncanny resemblance to “the situation” of Guy Debord, the intense, bespectacled, freelance revolutionary whom Lefebvre befriended in 1957. Debord was thirty years Lefebvre’s junior, a brilliant theorist and ruthless organizer, a poet and experimental filmmaker, the brainchild behind a militant crew of artists, poets, and students who hailed from France, Britain, Italy, Denmark, Belgium, and Holland. They’d banded together in a remote Italian village in July 1957, “in a state of semidrunkenness,” to establish the so-called Situationist International (SI), an amalgam of hitherto disparate avant-garde organizations. The SI, which endured until 1972, was highly politicized in its intent to renew art—or, better, to “abolish” art, much as Marx 30
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e<br />
or collapse on failing to emerge, it is a caricature or a tragedy, a<br />
successful festival or a dubious ceremony.” 23<br />
The spirit of past revolutions, replete with all their successes<br />
and failings, seems nearby: of 1789 and 1830; of 1848 and the 1871<br />
Paris Commune; of 1917, 1949, and 1959; of the 1968 “Student<br />
Commune” (though <strong>Lefebvre</strong> wouldn’t know it yet). Moments<br />
don’t crop up anywhere, or at any time, at whim or by magic. The<br />
moment may be a marvel of the everyday, <strong>Lefebvre</strong> says, but it<br />
isn’t a miracle. Indeed, the moment has its motives, and without<br />
those motives it wouldn’t intervene in “the sad hinterland of<br />
everyday dullness” (p. 356). It is everyday life where possibility<br />
becomes apparent in “all its brute spontaneity and ambiguity. It is<br />
in the everyday that the inaugural decision is made by which the<br />
moment begins and opens out; this decision perceives a possibility,<br />
chooses it from among other possibilities, takes it in charge and<br />
becomes committed to it unreservedly” (p. 351). Everyday life,<br />
consequently, “is the native soil in which the moment germinates<br />
and takes root” (p. 357).<br />
* * *<br />
The Lefebvrian moment bore an uncanny resemblance to “the situation”<br />
of Guy Debord, the intense, bespectacled, freelance revolutionary<br />
whom <strong>Lefebvre</strong> befriended in 1957. Debord was thirty<br />
years <strong>Lefebvre</strong>’s junior, a brilliant theorist and ruthless organizer,<br />
a poet and experimental filmmaker, the brainchild behind a militant<br />
crew of artists, poets, and students who hailed from France,<br />
Britain, Italy, Denmark, Belgium, and Holland. They’d banded<br />
together in a remote Italian village in July 1957, “in a state of semidrunkenness,”<br />
to establish the so-called Situationist International<br />
(SI), an amalgam of hitherto disparate avant-garde organizations.<br />
The SI, which endured until 1972, was highly politicized in its<br />
intent to renew art—or, better, to “abolish” art, much as Marx<br />
30