Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
M o M e n t s comes. / And if he comes? / We’ll be saved / … Well? Shall we go? / Yes, let’s go. / They do not move.) And when Russian tanks rolled into Budapest in 1956, crushing Hungary’s democracy movement, it publicly confirmed what Lefebvre privately already knew: the Soviet revolution had failed, had betrayed everyday life. And China’s situation was uncertain and suspect. So “there was this gap,” Lefebvre says, “and then the rise of a new social class, that of the technocrats. And then the advent of the world market—that is the world market after the period of industrial capitalism. This world market became an immense force with consequences even for the ‘socialist’ countries.” 4 Moreover, the massive technological revolution was matched by equally massive processes of urbanization and modernization, which began transforming industries and environments everywhere, seemingly without limit, opening out new vistas while creating new voids, not Rabelaisian Abbeys of Thélème but new desert spaces, Alphavilles of the body and soul. * * * The Critique of Everyday Life—Volume 2 (1961) not only revisited Lefebvre’s old thesis a decade and a half on but also cut a swath—or “Cleared the Ground,” as he put it—for a new platform of struggle, plotting a new revolutionary Northwest Passage within and beyond everyday life. In his one-hundred-page opener, Lefebvre seems to invent the 1960s in his own head, threading his way through “the labyrinthine complexities of the modern world.” 5 Early on, he gives us a neat summation of his work to date. First, he’d reinstated a new Marxist agenda, a project both utopian and practical, based on the idea of a social praxis resolving contradictions and eliminating alienating divisions. Second, he’d grounded this agenda in everyday life, shedding light on what precisely revolution would change and could change, if anything. Third, he’d continue to monitor the “lags” between the real and 23
H e n r i L e F e b v r e the potential, the possible and the impossible, between “ethical patience” and “aesthetic irony.” Volume 1, he claims, had hooked up everyday life with history and politics; now, “we must build a long-term policy on how to answer demands for a radical transformation of everyday life.” 6 Since 1947, the world had moved on; the economy was expanding, despite inherent crises, forever melting things into air, appropriating both external and internal nature, transforming social life into economic life, goods into needs, consumer whims into subliminal desires. Everyday life had been saturated with commodity logistics; corporate logos were set to become the semiotics of daily life they are today—a “semantic field” of ideological colonization. White-collar managers and industrial strategists, technocrats and bureaucrats began calling the shots, tallying work and family and social life with paradigms of order and efficiency. Low-grade alienation flourished through middlebrow affluence; in desolate suburbs and faraway New Towns, “lonely crowds” met “one-dimensional men.” Everyday life, says Lefebvre, now reigned in its “chemically pure state”; social life more and more shrank into a decaffeinated and deerotized private life. Indeed, a “reprivatization of life” was in our midst, in tandem with a new round of capitalist modernity, which is intent on philosophizing life, converting it into speculative contemplation. “Predictable and expected,” he writes, “ ‘globalization’ is being achieved by a mode of withdrawal. In his armchair, the private man—who has even stopped seeking himself as a citizen—witnesses the universe without having a hold over it and without really wanting to. He looks at the world. He becomes globalized, but as an eye, purely and simply.” 7 Alienation of this sort likewise prompted scholarly reactions across the Atlantic. Sociologists David Riesman, Nathan Glazer, and Reuel Denney coined the name “lonely crowd,” bemoaning a new kind of “other-directed” character, a uniformed mass-person 24
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M o M e n t s<br />
comes. / And if he comes? / We’ll be saved / … Well? Shall we go?<br />
/ Yes, let’s go. / They do not move.) And when Russian tanks rolled<br />
into Budapest in 1956, crushing Hungary’s democracy movement,<br />
it publicly confirmed what <strong>Lefebvre</strong> privately already knew: the<br />
Soviet revolution had failed, had betrayed everyday life. And<br />
China’s situation was uncertain and suspect. So “there was this<br />
gap,” <strong>Lefebvre</strong> says, “and then the rise of a new social class, that<br />
of the technocrats. And then the advent of the world market—that<br />
is the world market after the period of industrial capitalism. This<br />
world market became an immense force with consequences even<br />
for the ‘socialist’ countries.” 4 Moreover, the massive technological<br />
revolution was matched by equally massive processes of urbanization<br />
and modernization, which began transforming industries and<br />
environments everywhere, seemingly without limit, opening out<br />
new vistas while creating new voids, not Rabelaisian Abbeys of<br />
Thélème but new desert spaces, Alphavilles of the body and soul.<br />
* * *<br />
The Critique of Everyday Life—Volume 2 (1961) not only revisited<br />
<strong>Lefebvre</strong>’s old thesis a decade and a half on but also cut a<br />
swath—or “Cleared the Ground,” as he put it—for a new platform<br />
of struggle, plotting a new revolutionary Northwest Passage<br />
within and beyond everyday life. In his one-hundred-page opener,<br />
<strong>Lefebvre</strong> seems to invent the 1960s in his own head, threading<br />
his way through “the labyrinthine complexities of the modern<br />
world.” 5 Early on, he gives us a neat summation of his work to<br />
date. First, he’d reinstated a new Marxist agenda, a project both<br />
utopian and practical, based on the idea of a social praxis resolving<br />
contradictions and eliminating alienating divisions. Second,<br />
he’d grounded this agenda in everyday life, shedding light on what<br />
precisely revolution would change and could change, if anything.<br />
Third, he’d continue to monitor the “lags” between the real and<br />
23