Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
e v e r y d a y L i F e everyday life,” but, and this is a big but for Lefebvre, “they were not separate from it.” 29 On the contrary, they “differed from everyday life only in the explosion of forces which had been slowly accumulated in and via everyday life itself.” Lefebvre’s penchant for festivals was catalyzed by that maestro fêtard, François Rabelais, the sixteenth-century poet–sage, who, in his sprawling, magical–realist masterpiece Gargantua and Pantagruel (1532–56), created a whole literary and philosophical edifice based on wine and eating, carnivals and laughter. Rabelais’s mockery of Middle Age authority, Lefebvre maintained in his 1955 study Rabelais, can help us mock our own authority and our own contemporary seriousness, and restore a new sense of democracy and lighter meaning to everyday life. Here play and laughter become revitalized seriousness, no joking matters, not sidetracks and diversions to making money and accumulating commodities. In the bawdy and biting Gargantua and Pantagruel, with its great feasts of food and drink, rambunctious reveling and coarse humor, Rabelais denounced all forms of hypocrisy. “Readers, friends,” he warned his audience—old and modern alike—“if you turn these pages / Put your prejudice aside, / For, really, there’s nothing here that’s contagious. / Nothing sick, or bad—or contagious. / Not that I sit here glowing with pride / For my book: all you’ll find is laughter: That’s all the glory my heart is after, / Seeing how sorrow eats you, defeats you. / I’d rather write about laughing than crying, / For laughter makes men human, and courageous.” “BE HAPPY!” Rabelais urged. 30 Lefebvre presents Rabelais as a visionary realist who has a foot in the past as well as an inkling of the future—of the contradictory birth bangs of modern capitalism, the new mode of production invading his old world. In an odd way, Rabelais also propels us into a postcapitalist world, because, Lefebvre argues, he revealed a “vision of the possible human, half-dream, half-fantasy … an idea of a human being.” 31 Lefebvre’s Rabelais finds 15
H e n r i L e F e b v r e son semblable, son frère within the leaves of another Rabelaisian prophet, the Russian critic Mikhail Bakhtin, whose study Rabelais and His World elevated Rabelais to the summit of the history of laughter. 32 Rabelaisian laughter was intimately tied to freedom, Bakhtin similarly argued, especially to the courage needed to establish and safeguard it. Written in the 1930s, during the long nights of Stalin’s purges, Rabelais and His World endorsed the spirit of freedom when it was increasingly being suppressed. Bakhtin’s text wasn’t translated into French until 1970 and so was unread by Lefebvre in 1955; it came to English audiences in that big party year of 1968. Bakhtin’s closest contemporary would have been a book and a theorist Lefebvre did actually know: Homo Ludens (1938)—“Man the Player”—by the Dutch medieval historian Johan Huizinga, who emphasized the play element in Western culture just as Hitler got deadly serious across Europe. Like Bakhtin and Huizinga, Lefebvre adores Rabelais’s laugher, but his laughing Rabelais guffawed as a probing critic. Lefebvre’s Rabelais chronicled how nascent bourgeois culture, with its hypocritical moral imperatives and capital accumulation exigencies, repressed the subversive spirit and basic livelihood of the peasantry. Rabelais was a utopian communist after Lefebvre’s own heart; if party communism resembled Thomas More’s Utopia, with its ordered, regimented island paradise, hermetically sealed off from anything that might contaminate it, Lefebvre’s was a libertarian “Abbey of Thélème,” with neither clocks nor walls. There, Rabelais urged “hypocrites and bigots, cynics and hungry lawyers” to “stay away”; there, laws and statutes weren’t king but people’s “own free will”: “DO WHAT YOU WILL,” proclaimed Rabelais, as he clinked glasses with a few old pals. 33 “Our Rabelais,” writes Lefebvre, “had a utopia at once less immediately dangerous than More’s, [yet] more beautiful and more seductive … a strange abbey, not a church but a fine library … an immense chateau.” 34 Inside, everybody drank, sang and played harmonious music, spoke five or six languages, 16
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H e n r i L e F e b v r e<br />
son semblable, son frère within the leaves of another Rabelaisian<br />
prophet, the Russian critic Mikhail Bakhtin, whose study Rabelais<br />
and His World elevated Rabelais to the summit of the history of<br />
laughter. 32 Rabelaisian laughter was intimately tied to freedom,<br />
Bakhtin similarly argued, especially to the courage needed to<br />
establish and safeguard it. Written in the 1930s, during the long<br />
nights of Stalin’s purges, Rabelais and His World endorsed the<br />
spirit of freedom when it was increasingly being suppressed.<br />
Bakhtin’s text wasn’t translated into French until 1970 and so was<br />
unread by <strong>Lefebvre</strong> in 1955; it came to English audiences in that<br />
big party year of 1968. Bakhtin’s closest contemporary would have<br />
been a book and a theorist <strong>Lefebvre</strong> did actually know: Homo<br />
Ludens (1938)—“Man the Player”—by the Dutch medieval historian<br />
Johan Huizinga, who emphasized the play element in Western<br />
culture just as Hitler got deadly serious across Europe.<br />
Like Bakhtin and Huizinga, <strong>Lefebvre</strong> adores Rabelais’s laugher,<br />
but his laughing Rabelais guffawed as a probing critic. <strong>Lefebvre</strong>’s<br />
Rabelais chronicled how nascent bourgeois culture, with its hypocritical<br />
moral imperatives and capital accumulation exigencies,<br />
repressed the subversive spirit and basic livelihood of the peasantry.<br />
Rabelais was a utopian communist after <strong>Lefebvre</strong>’s own heart; if<br />
party communism resembled Thomas More’s Utopia, with its<br />
ordered, regimented island paradise, hermetically sealed off from<br />
anything that might contaminate it, <strong>Lefebvre</strong>’s was a libertarian<br />
“Abbey of Thélème,” with neither clocks nor walls. There, Rabelais<br />
urged “hypocrites and bigots, cynics and hungry lawyers” to “stay<br />
away”; there, laws and statutes weren’t king but people’s “own free<br />
will”: “DO WHAT YOU WILL,” proclaimed Rabelais, as he clinked<br />
glasses with a few old pals. 33 “Our Rabelais,” writes <strong>Lefebvre</strong>, “had<br />
a utopia at once less immediately dangerous than More’s, [yet] more<br />
beautiful and more seductive … a strange abbey, not a church but<br />
a fine library … an immense chateau.” 34 Inside, everybody drank,<br />
sang and played harmonious music, spoke five or six languages,<br />
16