Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning

Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning

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e v e r y d a y L i F e warmth, bringing on a bout of bronchitis; the ailment periodically recurred throughout his life. 3 At Aix’s Café Mirabeau, Lefebvre met other maquisands, organized clandestine conspiracies and sabotage, and befriended railway men who helped him derail enemy trains and sniff out collaborators. 4 “We worked to give an ideology to the Resistance,” Lefebvre remembers. “Vichy held up the flag of Revolution and Empire and said to the Germans that they’d guard the colonies for Hitler. … In Vichy, there’d been those who sincerely believed in preserving the independence of a part of France, controlled between Germany and a zone to the south. … The Resistance explained that this independence was a fiction.” 5 Lefebvre also descended regularly on Marseille, the real hotbed of struggle, and frequented the café Au Brûleur de Loup, where militant wolves, free-spirit wanderers, on-the-run refugees, and those seeking departure for America all found warm sanctuary. Surrealist André Breton hung out there before sailing to New York; ditto Victor Serge, the Russian anarchist and veteran revolutionary, who later eloped to Martinique. In Marseilles, Lefebvre befriended Simone Weil, the devout philosopher–martyr; he was pained as he watched her battle for interns in nearby camps while starving herself to death. (Weil eventually died of tuberculosis in a Kent sanatorium in England in 1943.) In Memoirs of a Revolutionary, Victor Serge lets us feel the spirit and guts of those times, of the Frenchmen, whether intellectuals or workers, who had no intention of emigrating. “Various militants tell me,” Serge said, “quite simply, ‘Our place is here,’ and they were right.” 6 But André Breton opted to leave just as Lefebvre risked life and limb to stay. To visit his parents back in Navarrenx he made daring, stealth night raids. They were terrified for their son, and for themselves; somebody might see him, somebody might inform on him, and on them. He went underground, and then, at the beginning of 1943, Lefebvre hid himself away in 3

H e n r i L e F e b v r e an isolated Pyrenean peasant community in the valley of Campan, near Tarbes. He laid low with locals, and with local maquisands, until the Liberation. He got to know mountain shepherds on the slopes, studied them, learned their rituals and folklore and façon de vivre, and even spotted a sort of primitive communism in their daily life. He didn’t know it then, but he’d already embarked on everyday life research, pregnant in his doctorate on peasant sociology, Les Communautés Paysannes Pyrénéennes (eventually defended in Paris in June 1954). 7 Methodologically, Lefebvre deployed a sort of “participant observation,” which, coupled with long sessions in the archives of Campan’s Town Hall, led him to discover a passion for historical excavation he never knew he had. Jean-Paul Sartre, for one, appreciated the virtues of Lefebvre’s rural “regressive–progressive” methodology—a methodology informing his work on urbanism and space decades later. “In order to study complexity and reciprocity of interrelations—without getting lost in it—Lefebvre,” Sartre noted, “proposes ‘a very simple method employing auxiliary techniques and comprising several phases: (a) Descriptive. Observation but with a scrutiny guided by experience and a general theory. … (b) Analytico-Regressive. Analysis of reality. Attempt to date it precisely. … (c) Historical-Genetic. Attempt to rediscover the present, but elucidated, understood, explained.’ ” “We have nothing to add to this passage,” Sartre added, “so clear and so rich, except that we believe that this method, with its phase of phenomenological description and its double movement of regression followed by progress, is valid—with the modifications which its objects may impose upon it—in all the domains of anthropology.” 8 As Lefebvre documented the plight of the rural peasant and the agrarian question under socialism, his “critique of everyday life” took shape. After 1947, this became both a methodology and a political credo: an insistence that dialectical method and the 4

H e n r i L e F e b v r e<br />

an isolated Pyrenean peasant community in the valley of Campan,<br />

near Tarbes. He laid low with locals, and with local maquisands,<br />

until the Liberation. He got to know mountain shepherds on the<br />

slopes, studied them, learned their rituals and folklore and façon<br />

de vivre, and even spotted a sort of primitive communism in their<br />

daily life. He didn’t know it then, but he’d already embarked on<br />

everyday life research, pregnant in his doctorate on peasant sociology,<br />

Les Communautés Paysannes Pyrénéennes (eventually<br />

defended in Paris in June 1954). 7<br />

Methodologically, <strong>Lefebvre</strong> deployed a sort of “participant<br />

observation,” which, coupled with long sessions in the archives of<br />

Campan’s Town Hall, led him to discover a passion for historical<br />

excavation he never knew he had. Jean-Paul Sartre, for one, appreciated<br />

the virtues of <strong>Lefebvre</strong>’s rural “regressive–progressive”<br />

methodology—a methodology informing his work on urbanism<br />

and space decades later. “In order to study complexity and reciprocity<br />

of interrelations—without getting lost in it—<strong>Lefebvre</strong>,”<br />

Sartre noted, “proposes ‘a very simple method employing auxiliary<br />

techniques and comprising several phases: (a) Descriptive.<br />

Observation but with a scrutiny guided by experience and a<br />

general theory. … (b) Analytico-Regressive. Analysis of reality.<br />

Attempt to date it precisely. … (c) Historical-Genetic. Attempt to<br />

rediscover the present, but elucidated, understood, explained.’ ”<br />

“We have nothing to add to this passage,” Sartre added, “so clear<br />

and so rich, except that we believe that this method, with its<br />

phase of phenomenological description and its double movement<br />

of regression followed by progress, is valid—with the modifications<br />

which its objects may impose upon it—in all the domains of<br />

anthropology.” 8<br />

As <strong>Lefebvre</strong> documented the plight of the rural peasant and<br />

the agrarian question under socialism, his “critique of everyday<br />

life” took shape. After 1947, this became both a methodology and<br />

a political credo: an insistence that dialectical method and the<br />

4

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