Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning

Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning

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a F t e r w o r d domination over Nature is already great,” he writes near the end of Dialectical Materialism (1939), on the brink of total war, conscious that his own days may be numbered, “living man is more than ever the victim of the fetishes he himself has raised up, those strange existences, both abstract and real, brutally material yet clad in ideologies that are alluring and sometimes even bewitching. A new consciousness is needed, tenacious and skeptical, in order that these fetishes should be unmasked.” * * * It’s hard to imagine how Lefebvre would believe that the culture and society we have before us is as good as it gets. There’s always something more to add, he would have insisted, always other possibilities, openings, moments of opportunity out there, on the horizon, over the rainbow. We would be able to continue for a lot longer if we could. Toward the end of his life, in 1991, as he sat in an armchair in his old house at Navarrenx, with a rug over his legs and a cat on his lap, he still wanted to talk about utopia, about the future. “We’ve discredited utopia,” he said. “One needs to rehabilitate it. Utopia may never realize itself; and yet it is indispensable for stimulating change. Utopia is a function and a capacity, even, above all, if it doesn’t realize itself. The dream of an egalitarian society, a society of abundance, is within reach though it eludes us. … But it resides there nonetheless as a means of stimulation.” 3 I remember, too, that first and only time I’d seen Lefebvre, on the TV, with Bernard-Henri Lévy, all the while telling his interlocutor he’d much rather talk about the future than the past. Perhaps he knew then; perhaps, after the Berlin Wall hadn’t long tumbled down, he knew every capitalist punter would soon wallow in the glory of its demise. Perhaps Lefebvre knew, near his own end, that without some sense of utopia we’d all be lost, as a seventy-year 163

H e n r i L e F e b v r e bad rap would soon become a spectacular media bonanza. A new spirit of freedom seemed to be dawning, and now we’re living in its scary midst. Perhaps he’d suspected as much. I’d little realized back then—couldn’t realize—how Lévy’s program The Spirit of Freedom and the companion book Les Aventures de la Liberté set the tone for the shallowness and narrowness the new century would come to epitomize. Punctuated by subheadings like “The Great Hopes,” “Times of Contempt,” “Lost Illusions,” and “The End of the Prophets,” the text’s cynicism reeked: give up the ghost, abandon all hope ye who enters here. Around the same time as Les Aventures de la Liberté hit French bookstores and around the time Le Monde announced Lefebvre’s death—the death of a style—across the Atlantic another scurrilous book by Francis Fukuyama danced to a similar refrain: “the end of history.” 4 Extending an article-length thesis that had aired a few years earlier in the conservative National Interest, Fukuyama flagged up “the end point of mankind’s ideological evolution … the final form of human government”: liberal bourgeois democracy. We’ve reached the moment, Fukuyama bragged, of “remarkable consensus.” Liberal democracy had won its legitimacy, conquering all rival ideologies, and, he thought, we should be glad. Hereditary monarchy had run its course a while back, and so had fascism; and now, apparently, so had communism. There’s no other tale to tell, no alternative, no other big idea left, nothing aside from bourgeois democracy and free-market economics. It was totalitarian now even to think about other big ideas about human progress. The year 1991 heralded, in the infamous words of George Bush, Sr., “a New World Order.” 5 “We cannot picture to ourselves,” Fukuyama proclaimed in The End of History and the Last Man, “a world that is essentially different from the present one, and at the same time better. Other, less reflective ages also thought of themselves as the best, but we arrive at this conclusion 164

a F t e r w o r d<br />

domination over Nature is already great,” he writes near the end<br />

of Dialectical Materialism (1939), on the brink of total war, conscious<br />

that his own days may be numbered, “living man is more<br />

than ever the victim of the fetishes he himself has raised up, those<br />

strange existences, both abstract and real, brutally material yet<br />

clad in ideologies that are alluring and sometimes even bewitching.<br />

A new consciousness is needed, tenacious and skeptical, in<br />

order that these fetishes should be unmasked.”<br />

* * *<br />

It’s hard to imagine how <strong>Lefebvre</strong> would believe that the culture<br />

and society we have before us is as good as it gets. There’s<br />

always something more to add, he would have insisted, always<br />

other possibilities, openings, moments of opportunity out there,<br />

on the horizon, over the rainbow. We would be able to continue<br />

for a lot longer if we could. Toward the end of his life, in 1991,<br />

as he sat in an armchair in his old house at Navarrenx, with a rug<br />

over his legs and a cat on his lap, he still wanted to talk about<br />

utopia, about the future. “We’ve discredited utopia,” he said. “One<br />

needs to rehabilitate it. Utopia may never realize itself; and yet it<br />

is indispensable for stimulating change. Utopia is a function and<br />

a capacity, even, above all, if it doesn’t realize itself. The dream<br />

of an egalitarian society, a society of abundance, is within reach<br />

though it eludes us. … But it resides there nonetheless as a means<br />

of stimulation.” 3<br />

I remember, too, that first and only time I’d seen <strong>Lefebvre</strong>, on<br />

the TV, with Bernard-<strong>Henri</strong> Lévy, all the while telling his interlocutor<br />

he’d much rather talk about the future than the past. Perhaps<br />

he knew then; perhaps, after the Berlin Wall hadn’t long tumbled<br />

down, he knew every capitalist punter would soon wallow in the<br />

glory of its demise. Perhaps <strong>Lefebvre</strong> knew, near his own end, that<br />

without some sense of utopia we’d all be lost, as a seventy-year<br />

163

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