Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
G L o b a L i z a t i o n a n d t H e s t a t e The key questions Marx posed in Critique of the Gotha Program, and that Lefebvre developed and extended in his work on the state—How can workers of the world conjoin across national contexts? Does civil society in itself have sufficient resources and organizational capacities to replace and reabsorb the state? How can autogestion, or workers’ self-management, function against and within the state?—seem too mundane for Hardt and Negri’s “Big Bang” thesis of global revolution. Lefebvre, needless to say takes a different tack; for him, “Marx’s comments on the Gotha Program have lost nothing of their saltiness.” 14 “The ever-mounting number and size of government institutions in modern society,” says Lefebvre, taking an inventory of the problem, “call attention as never before to the contradiction between the political and social aspects. … Will the modern state manage to stifle social life entirely under the crushing weight of politics? This is the question the Lassallians ignored, but that Marx never tired of raising.” “What changes will the form of the state undergo in the new society?” “What social functions similar to the functions now performed by the state will remain in existence?” “In the transitional period, the objective is not simply to destroy the state (that is the anarchist position), but to let society as a whole—the transformed society—take over the functions previously performed by the state.” 15 “Marx’s objective,” Lefebvre points out, “wasn’t necessarily opposed to that of the anarchists: the end of the state, the end of hierarchies and political instances, with an attendant abolition of private ownership of the means of production.” 16 Nonetheless, anarchists like Bakunin “abridge and even jump over the period of transition.” Hardt and Negri’s political vision similarly abridges and leapfrogs the period of transition. For them space has gobbled up place and the global champed away at the local; ergo, the scale of politics has to be pitched at a still-unimaginable world space, with an “international brotherhood of peoples” (“the multitude”) pitted 129
H e n r i L e F e b v r e against an omnipotent abstract state: “if we are consigned to the non-place of Empire,” they write, “can we construct a powerful non-place and realize it concretely, as the terrain of a postmodern republicanism?” (p. 208). From this terrain, though, there’s no staging post for politics and no grounding for struggle: the space of global politics cannibalizes the politics of place. Positing universality without particularity, the global without the national, negation without transition severs the dialectical mediation between form and content, between space and place, and cuts off bridge building between real people and real problems. Empire, consequently, parts company with Marx and Lefebvre’s radical vision and leaves us nothing, in the here and now, to stave off death on credit. “The transformation of society,” reasons Lefebvre, “defines itself first of all as an ensemble of reforms, going from agrarian to planetary reforms that imply the control of investment; but this sum of necessary reforms doesn’t suffice: one needs to add to it something essential: the transformation of society is a series of reforms plus the elimination of the bourgeoisie as the controlling class of the means of production.” 17 * * * Making space for a politics of place, and putting place in its reformable global space, is something Lefebvre’s spatial dialectic does with remarkable prowess. The neocapitalist order, he recognizes in The Production of Space (POS in citations), has stripped space of its naturalness and uniqueness, giving a “relative” character to erstwhile “absolute spaces,” transforming them into something more “abstract.” Absolute space was “historical space,” “fragments of nature,” located on sites that were chosen for “intrinsic qualities” (POS, p. 48): caves, mountaintops, streams, rivers, springs, islands, and so forth. This was a natural space, Lefebvre says, “soon populated by political forces.” Colonization was an 130
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G L o b a L i z a t i o n a n d t H e s t a t e<br />
The key questions Marx posed in Critique of the Gotha<br />
Program, and that <strong>Lefebvre</strong> developed and extended in his work on<br />
the state—How can workers of the world conjoin across national<br />
contexts? Does civil society in itself have sufficient resources and<br />
organizational capacities to replace and reabsorb the state? How<br />
can autogestion, or workers’ self-management, function against<br />
and within the state?—seem too mundane for Hardt and Negri’s<br />
“Big Bang” thesis of global revolution. <strong>Lefebvre</strong>, needless to say<br />
takes a different tack; for him, “Marx’s comments on the Gotha<br />
Program have lost nothing of their saltiness.” 14<br />
“The ever-mounting number and size of government institutions<br />
in modern society,” says <strong>Lefebvre</strong>, taking an inventory of<br />
the problem, “call attention as never before to the contradiction<br />
between the political and social aspects. … Will the modern state<br />
manage to stifle social life entirely under the crushing weight<br />
of politics? This is the question the Lassallians ignored, but that<br />
Marx never tired of raising.” “What changes will the form of the<br />
state undergo in the new society?” “What social functions similar<br />
to the functions now performed by the state will remain in<br />
existence?” “In the transitional period, the objective is not simply<br />
to destroy the state (that is the anarchist position), but to let society<br />
as a whole—the transformed society—take over the functions<br />
previously performed by the state.” 15 “Marx’s objective,” <strong>Lefebvre</strong><br />
points out, “wasn’t necessarily opposed to that of the anarchists:<br />
the end of the state, the end of hierarchies and political instances,<br />
with an attendant abolition of private ownership of the means of<br />
production.” 16 Nonetheless, anarchists like Bakunin “abridge and<br />
even jump over the period of transition.”<br />
Hardt and Negri’s political vision similarly abridges and leapfrogs<br />
the period of transition. For them space has gobbled up place<br />
and the global champed away at the local; ergo, the scale of politics<br />
has to be pitched at a still-unimaginable world space, with<br />
an “international brotherhood of peoples” (“the multitude”) pitted<br />
129