Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
G L o b a L i z a t i o n a n d t H e s t a t e with its abstract space of “freedom of choice” to purchase a dazzling array of consumer durables, the other with its absolute space of dictatorial personality and totalitarian rule—is no more. The rational combination of each rule has given liberal-bourgeois capitalism license to permeate all reality, to colonize all culture and dominate all geography. And, as we speak, that power of its market homogenization is quite literally poised to smash down all Chinese walls. “No one,” says Lefebvre, “would deny that relations between the economy and the state have changed during the course of the twentieth-century, notably during the past few decades.” Enter the SMP, Lefebvre’s attempt to shed light on this new general tendency, this new “qualitative transformation,” “a moment in which the state takes charge of growth, whether directly or indirectly.” 2 “The State Mode of Production” is the title of the third and most original volume of Lefebvre’s four-tome exploration of the capitalist state, De l’État, penned furiously between 1976 and 1978 as fiscal crisis of the state raged at every level of government in advanced countries. In 1975, New York City declared itself fiscally bankrupt—President Gerald Ford told it famously to “Drop Dead!” In 1978–79, Britain underwent its “winter of discontent”; refuse and utility workers lobbied James Callaghan’s Labour government for cost-of-living raises. Power cuts, garbage mountains, and rank-and-file acrimony greeted the prime minister’s austerity appeals. And in Italy and West Germany, extraparliamentary volatility epitomized by the militant “Red Brigade” and “Baader- Meinhof” became the new disorder, filling the party political void, flourishing in the ruins of welfare-state Keynesian—capitalism with a human face—which was about to perish forever. Lefebvre’s theoretically dense quartet, drawing heavily on Hegel, Marx, and Lenin, wedges itself within this interregnum, when the Phoenix of “New Right” orthodoxy was set to rise out of Keynesian ashes. As is so typical with Lefebvre, much of this 123
H e n r i L e F e b v r e work is padded out with digressive and repetitive disquisitions on Mao and Stalin, on Lenin and Trotsky, on China and Yugoslavia, which have little or no resonance nowadays. On the other hand, equally typical are insights that are ahead of the game and live on: the new “materialization” of the state, at once a decentralization and reconcentration of governmental power and remit, signaled, Lefebvre reckoned, an epochal transition, a situation in which “the state now raises itself above society and penetrates it to its depths, all the way into everyday life and behavior.” 3 Herein the SMP has several dimensions, and a few telling moments: a managerial moment of consent, a protective moment that seduces its population, and a repressive moment that kills, that monopolizes violence through military expenditure and strategies of war. Meanwhile, within the state apparatus resides a restructured “division of political labor,” coordinated by technocrats, the military, and professional politicians, those agents of the state who preside over an abstract space that “at one and the same time quantified, homogenized and controlled—crumbled and broken—hierarchicized [hiérarchisé] in ‘strata’ that cover and mask social classes.” 4 Ironically, the Marxist clarion call of the “withering away of the state” in the passage toward socialism had been hijacked by an innovative and brazen right wing, while the Communist Left— Lefebvre’s own constituency—bizarrely clung on to a statist crutch. The French Communist Party still insists on the importance of the state, Lefebvre said in an interview in 1976. “This is Hegelian thought; namely, the state is an unconditional political experience, an absolute. We cannot envisage neither its supranational extension nor its withering away, neither its regressive decomposition nor its regional fragmentation. To maintain the state as absolute is Stalinist, is to introduce into Marxism a fetishism of the state, the idea of the state as politically unconditional, total, absolute.” 5 And yet the conservative flip side threatens society and economics, a “danger that menaces the modern world and against which it 124
- Page 107 and 108: H e n r i L e F e b v r e wherewith
- Page 109 and 110: H e n r i L e F e b v r e Estrada C
- Page 111 and 112: H e n r i L e F e b v r e twenty-th
- Page 114 and 115: 5 Urban Revolution It is in the cou
- Page 116 and 117: U r b a n r e v o L U t i o n revol
- Page 118 and 119: U r b a n r e v o L U t i o n real
- Page 120 and 121: U r b a n r e v o L U t i o n natur
- Page 122 and 123: U r b a n r e v o L U t i o n of ur
- Page 124 and 125: U r b a n r e v o L U t i o n globa
- Page 126 and 127: U r b a n r e v o L U t i o n the d
- Page 128 and 129: U r b a n r e v o L U t i o n the s
- Page 130 and 131: U r b a n r e v o L U t i o n exces
- Page 132: U r b a n r e v o L U t i o n deep
- Page 135 and 136: H e n r i L e F e b v r e illustrio
- Page 137 and 138: H e n r i L e F e b v r e intellect
- Page 139 and 140: H e n r i L e F e b v r e denigrate
- Page 141 and 142: H e n r i L e F e b v r e Here we h
- Page 143 and 144: H e n r i L e F e b v r e emergent
- Page 145 and 146: H e n r i L e F e b v r e rather th
- Page 147 and 148: H e n r i L e F e b v r e over and
- Page 149 and 150: H e n r i L e F e b v r e space, ex
- Page 151 and 152: H e n r i L e F e b v r e latter’
- Page 153 and 154: H e n r i L e F e b v r e In a 1985
- Page 155 and 156: H e n r i L e F e b v r e Guts, as
- Page 157: H e n r i L e F e b v r e Henri Lef
- Page 161 and 162: H e n r i L e F e b v r e the blank
- Page 163 and 164: H e n r i L e F e b v r e better,
- Page 165 and 166: H e n r i L e F e b v r e against a
- Page 167 and 168: H e n r i L e F e b v r e a crucial
- Page 169 and 170: H e n r i L e F e b v r e Davos, Sw
- Page 171 and 172: H e n r i L e F e b v r e exploitat
- Page 173 and 174: H e n r i L e F e b v r e the mold
- Page 175 and 176: H e n r i L e F e b v r e followed
- Page 177 and 178: H e n r i L e F e b v r e excited b
- Page 179 and 180: H e n r i L e F e b v r e Coming ho
- Page 181 and 182: H e n r i L e F e b v r e the age o
- Page 183 and 184: H e n r i L e F e b v r e the Unhap
- Page 185 and 186: H e n r i L e F e b v r e people’
- Page 187 and 188: H e n r i L e F e b v r e conscious
- Page 189 and 190: H e n r i L e F e b v r e Modern ma
- Page 191 and 192: H e n r i L e F e b v r e idea. The
- Page 193 and 194: H e n r i L e F e b v r e and Nietz
- Page 195 and 196: H e n r i L e F e b v r e overcome
- Page 197 and 198: H e n r i L e F e b v r e knows not
- Page 199 and 200: H e n r i L e F e b v r e bad rap w
- Page 201 and 202: H e n r i L e F e b v r e claimed t
- Page 203 and 204: H e n r i L e F e b v r e The shift
- Page 205 and 206: H e n r i L e F e b v r e and revel
- Page 207 and 208: n o t e s 6. Manuel Castells, “Ci
G L o b a L i z a t i o n a n d t H e s t a t e<br />
with its abstract space of “freedom of choice” to purchase a dazzling<br />
array of consumer durables, the other with its absolute space<br />
of dictatorial personality and totalitarian rule—is no more. The<br />
rational combination of each rule has given liberal-bourgeois<br />
capitalism license to permeate all reality, to colonize all culture<br />
and dominate all geography. And, as we speak, that power of its<br />
market homogenization is quite literally poised to smash down all<br />
Chinese walls.<br />
“No one,” says <strong>Lefebvre</strong>, “would deny that relations between<br />
the economy and the state have changed during the course of the<br />
twentieth-century, notably during the past few decades.” Enter the<br />
SMP, <strong>Lefebvre</strong>’s attempt to shed light on this new general tendency,<br />
this new “qualitative transformation,” “a moment in which<br />
the state takes charge of growth, whether directly or indirectly.” 2<br />
“The State Mode of Production” is the title of the third and most<br />
original volume of <strong>Lefebvre</strong>’s four-tome exploration of the capitalist<br />
state, De l’État, penned furiously between 1976 and 1978<br />
as fiscal crisis of the state raged at every level of government in<br />
advanced countries. In 1975, New York City declared itself fiscally<br />
bankrupt—President Gerald Ford told it famously to “Drop<br />
Dead!” In 1978–79, Britain underwent its “winter of discontent”;<br />
refuse and utility workers lobbied James Callaghan’s Labour government<br />
for cost-of-living raises. Power cuts, garbage mountains,<br />
and rank-and-file acrimony greeted the prime minister’s austerity<br />
appeals. And in Italy and West Germany, extraparliamentary<br />
volatility epitomized by the militant “Red Brigade” and “Baader-<br />
Meinhof” became the new disorder, filling the party political void,<br />
flourishing in the ruins of welfare-state Keynesian—capitalism<br />
with a human face—which was about to perish forever.<br />
<strong>Lefebvre</strong>’s theoretically dense quartet, drawing heavily on<br />
Hegel, Marx, and Lenin, wedges itself within this interregnum,<br />
when the Phoenix of “New Right” orthodoxy was set to rise out<br />
of Keynesian ashes. As is so typical with <strong>Lefebvre</strong>, much of this<br />
123