Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning Henri Lefebvre: A Critical Introduction - autonomous learning
s p a c e Given this minority homeland status, why, we might wonder, has Lefebvre become an almost cult figure in Anglo-American critical–theoretical circles? Did his work on space initially lead to bewilderment in France? Maybe this spatial moment sounded the death knell of Lefebvre’s intellectual acclaim? The Production of Space was misunderstood and overlooked when it hit French bookshelves in 1974. The timing couldn’t have been worse: by then Althusser’s reputation was formidable and his structural Marxism was de rigueur; he was the flagship of French theory’s arrival across the Channel and across an ocean. And if you didn’t agree with Althusser and you were still a Marxist, you’d turn to Roger Garaudy’s humanism, not Lefebvre’s. There was seemingly little intellectual scope for Hegelian Marxism. 5 And a book about space? That’s what most socialist radicals seemed to need like a hole in the head! When things did assume an urban turn, in the early phases of Espace et société, Althusser still curiously snuck in ahead of Lefebvre. It was the former’s Marxism, after all, that underwrote Manuel Castells’s highly influential sociological research on urbanization: Castells’s La quéstion urbaine—replete with attacks on former mentor Lefebvre—made it to press two years before La production de l’espace and undercut his senior’s humanist predilections and analytical pretensions. In fact, Castells asked whether the “urban” was a legitimate object of inquiry at all. The “urban question” for him was above all a question of how an urbanizing capitalist mode of production functioned. In Castells’s spatial universe, the city was indeed a container of social and class relationships. But it was these social relations that had primacy over any explicit “urban” or “spatial” category. Lefebvre, for Castells, had strayed too far, had reified space; Castells caught a whiff of spatial fetishism, attributing to the spatial causal determinacy over the societal. From trying to develop a “Marxist analysis of the urban phenomenon,” Lefebvre, Castells said, “comes closer and closer, through a rather curious 101
H e n r i L e F e b v r e intellectual evolution, to an urbanistic theorization of the Marxist problematic.” 6 No compliment intended: this was a stinging rebuttal, probably helping ensure the relative neglect of Lefebvre’s work during the 1970s. 7 While Lefebvre’s rejoinder maintained that Castells didn’t understand space—“He sets aside space,” Lefebvre scoffed. “His is still a simplistic Marxist schema” 8 —it was David Harvey who brought Lefebvre to the attention of Anglophone audiences. In Social Justice and City, we know, Lefebvre only cameoed. Yet his idea that a distinctively “urban revolution” was supplanting an “industrial revolution” and that this urban revolution was somehow a spatial revolution as well had a deep and lasting resonance in critical urban studies and geography—longer lasting, it seems, than Castells’s own urban research, which was reaching its sell-by date as early as the mid-1980s. Steadily, from the mid-1970s onward, Lefebvre’s urban and spatial ideas seeped into Anglophone urban and geographical scholarship, spawning, by the early 1980s, a Lefebvrian cottage industry of sociospatial Marxism. In this context, rather than Lefebvre influencing English-speaking geography and urbanism, it’s perhaps been the other way around: maybe it has been Anglo-American spatial theorists who’ve resuscitated Lefebvre’s flagging spatial career, prompted his more recent (posthumous) claim to fame. Michel Trebitsch, in his essay on Volume 3 of Critique of Everyday Life, forthcoming as a preface to Verso’s English translation, even reckons this Anglophone Lefebvrian turn has reacted back into France, giving a “new look” to his œuvre there, “re-acclimating” it within “classic French theory.” One wonders how widespread Lefebvre’s work would have been without the first-wave mediation of David Harvey (instrumental in pushing for an English translation of La production de l’espace), Ed Soja, Fredric Jameson, Mark Gottdiener, Derek Gregory, Kristin Ross, Elenore Kofman, and Elizabeth Lebas, as well as second-wave interpreters like Rob Shields, Erik Swyngedouw, 102
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s p a c e<br />
Given this minority homeland status, why, we might wonder,<br />
has <strong>Lefebvre</strong> become an almost cult figure in Anglo-American<br />
critical–theoretical circles? Did his work on space initially lead<br />
to bewilderment in France? Maybe this spatial moment sounded<br />
the death knell of <strong>Lefebvre</strong>’s intellectual acclaim? The Production<br />
of Space was misunderstood and overlooked when it hit French<br />
bookshelves in 1974. The timing couldn’t have been worse: by<br />
then Althusser’s reputation was formidable and his structural<br />
Marxism was de rigueur; he was the flagship of French theory’s<br />
arrival across the Channel and across an ocean. And if you didn’t<br />
agree with Althusser and you were still a Marxist, you’d turn to<br />
Roger Garaudy’s humanism, not <strong>Lefebvre</strong>’s. There was seemingly<br />
little intellectual scope for Hegelian Marxism. 5 And a book<br />
about space? That’s what most socialist radicals seemed to need<br />
like a hole in the head! When things did assume an urban turn,<br />
in the early phases of Espace et société, Althusser still curiously<br />
snuck in ahead of <strong>Lefebvre</strong>. It was the former’s Marxism, after all,<br />
that underwrote Manuel Castells’s highly influential sociological<br />
research on urbanization: Castells’s La quéstion urbaine—replete<br />
with attacks on former mentor <strong>Lefebvre</strong>—made it to press two<br />
years before La production de l’espace and undercut his senior’s<br />
humanist predilections and analytical pretensions.<br />
In fact, Castells asked whether the “urban” was a legitimate<br />
object of inquiry at all. The “urban question” for him was above<br />
all a question of how an urbanizing capitalist mode of production<br />
functioned. In Castells’s spatial universe, the city was indeed a<br />
container of social and class relationships. But it was these social<br />
relations that had primacy over any explicit “urban” or “spatial”<br />
category. <strong>Lefebvre</strong>, for Castells, had strayed too far, had reified<br />
space; Castells caught a whiff of spatial fetishism, attributing to<br />
the spatial causal determinacy over the societal. From trying to<br />
develop a “Marxist analysis of the urban phenomenon,” <strong>Lefebvre</strong>,<br />
Castells said, “comes closer and closer, through a rather curious<br />
101