journal of linguistic studies

the headline and the initial component. Moreover, it must be noted that the most frequent
move was the interviewee introduction, whether accomplished directly, indirectly
(through vocatives) or in both ways. The vocatives used to introduce the interviewee
implicitly assume the function of a boundary marker in the structure of the whole
interview, marking the boundary between the introductory part and the first topic cycle.
The headline, i.e. the topic, is formally introduced, usually without a preheadline
which would attract the audience’s attention (common in American political interviews),
whereas the initial component is accomplished through an adjacency pair. This move is
realised incompletely.
The American data – The move interviewee introduction proved obligatory in the
American political interview openings as well, providing the foundation of both patterns
identified in this group of interviews. In fact, the first pattern consists entirely of this
move, whereas the other comprises an additional move, i.e. the headline. The same as
with the British openings, an implicit introduction of the interviewee serves as a boundary
marker. The minimal structure of these openings suggests that dynamics is an important
feature of American interviews, which is also confirmed by the fact that the range of
optional moves is somewhat narrower compared to the British one.
The Montenegrin data – The analysis undertaken showed that the openings of the
Montenegrin political interviews are very uniform, having the structure which consists of
four obligatory moves: greeting the audience, the show / the broadcasting company
introduction, the interviewee introduction and the initial component. The optional moves
are hardly ever used. The mandatory moves are much less flexible and are missing in a
negligible number of interviews. The adjacency pair (the exchange of greetings) is always
completely accomplished. Another feature of these openings is the use of standard
phrases, i.e. discourse markers which serve as boundary markers.
On the basis of what was stated for each group of data respectively, we can draw
certain conclusions regarding the comparison of the patterns which are realised in them.
The most consistent openings of political interviews when it comes to the presence
and the ordering of moves and the way these are realised, are certainly those
accomplished in the Montenegrin corpus. Most diversity was found in the American
corpus, having in mind the fact that these interviews are realised within shows of various
types.
The British and American political interview openings examined showed great
similarities. Generally, the conventional elements are often omitted in order to achieve
dynamics, whereas in the Montenegrin interviews, the conversation is always introduced
slowly, and the optional elements are rarely added. In other words, American and British
journalists prefer to come to the main issue immediately, whereof the audience is
informed by using the move headline.
Headline – In the British and the American group of interviews, the headline is a
mandatory move. In the Montenegrin interviews, however, it is marked as optional.
Montenegrin journalists in general do not exert themselves in order to catch the attention
of audience. In the American group, this move is often preceded by a preheadline with the
function of captivating the spectators’ interest. The British interviews proved more
serious and formal in relation to the American (ones), having in mind that they introduce
headlines factually and informatively. A common feature of all groups is that when
headlines are not accomplished directly, they are realised as headlines of topic cycles.
Interviewee introduction – This move is mandatory in all groups. In the British and
the Montenegrin group of political interview openings, it is always accomplished directly,
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