Shane Moran - Alternation Journal

Dizvid Kazilnjinr~
'Pqulano eventually abandoned colon~sat~on and spoke out aga~nst ~t. and Cuffe only began
warrly advocating ~t after years of strugglrng for the ernanc~patron ot Afr~can Ainer~cans In the
U S On Equ~ano, see Equ~ano (1 995 325-35 1) On C~lfte, see FIarr~s (1972), Thomas (1986)
48
Rncial Governmentality: Thornas Jejfeerson and Afi-ican Colonisation
anti-colonisationists, as well as so~iie c01o1iisatio1~ists, pointed this out at the time. In
addition. black colonisationists such as Olaudah Equiano and Paul Cuffe were well
inltabitants; to induce whom to migrate hither, proper encouragements were
to be proposed ... (Jefferson 1984:264).
aware of these pro-slave~y interests, and their tactical discussions of autonomy
certainly influenced later black nationalists such as Martin el any"'. Nonetheless, these
contemporary histories miss something of the texture of pre- I8 16 colonisation. Firstly,
by reducing colonisation to the rational pursuit of self-evident interests by autonomous
political actors, such explanations fail to consider what it was about colonisation that
conjoined contradictory interests. Perhaps more importa~itly, however, such
explanations also fail to consider carehlly the articulation of colonisation with
emancipation. By seeking to determine whether colonisation was genuinely
emancipatory or not, these histories actually generalise and de-historicise 'freedom' by
suppressing its historically specific articulation with colonisation. These historical
accounts thus fail to address the questions Walker posed in 1829: what notion of
'freedom' is rendered by colonisation, and how does that rendering become selfevident
to colonisationists? Jefferson's private correspotldence and published writings
can help us begin to tbr~nulate answers to these crucial questions.
en these 'Notes on the State ofVirginia' and a letterwritten to Miss Fanny Wright
efore his death (7 Aug. 1825) (Jefferson 1899.X: 343)2'', Jefferson wrote
atedly in his published writings and private letters about his strong belief in and
for colonisation, making it arguably his most consistently articulated policy
sap. He would eventually add to and alter the plan-variously suggesting Africa,
West Indies and western North America as sites for colonisation, proposing
nt ways to raise money for the project, altering the requirements for
ipation, calling for 'Germans' or simply 'white laborers' to replace colonised
s. Yet the essential structure would remain the same from the 'Notes' to the 7 Aug.
5 letter: gradual, full emancipation ofall slaves followed by their forced deportation
he territorial boundaries of the United States and their subsequent incorporation
formally independent nation-state that would nevertheless be economically and
~cally dependent upon the United States.
Jefferson began advocating colonisation at a crucial moment in U.S. history, a
ment during which elite U.S. nation-state builders were struggling to formulate in
ory and forrnalise in practice the ideas and projects of the Enlightenment. In his
"mutilated however in it's freest parts'-Jefferson's enlightenment ntings, Jefferson consistently represents colonisation as part of this greater struggle
in the eyes of Euroy e
Thomas Jefferson (1 984.44) tells us in his 'Autobiography' that on February 7, 1779, as
a member of the Virginla House of Delegates, he supported an amendment to a slavery
bill calling for 'the freedom of all [slaves] born after a certain day, and deportation at a
proper age'. In Query XIV of the 'Notes on the State of Virginia' (composed 1781-
1782, published in 1787), entitled 'The administration ofjustice and description of the
laws?', he offers an expanded description of 'deportation'--xvhich in a few years he
would refer to as colonisation-to an account of the same amendment:
an amendment ... was prepared ... directing. that [slaves] sllould continue
with their parents to a certain age, then be brought up. at the public expense.
to tillage, arts or sciences, according to their geniusses. till the females
should be eighteen, and the males twenty-one years of age, when they sl~ould
be colonized to such place as tl~e circumstances of the time sliould render
respond to the call of reason, to capture and render or represent the 'light' of the
ghtenment in philosophical, political and juridical concepts and institutions. In
, Jefferson consistently embeds his representation of colonisation in a very precise
orical structure. He first figures 'freedom' as the light of the Enlightenment which
been passed froin Europe to the U.S., but which has been inexplicably refracted and
ected, such that it has arrived impure and incolnplete and has left slavery intact and
nlightened. He then worries about Europe watching over and judging the fate ofthis
-acted and impure light, and responds to this worry by advocating colo~iisation as a
nical, governmental scheme through which the U.S. could gain enough control
- that light to purify it at home and pass it on to African Americans. Finally, he
es the future relationship of the U.S. to colonised African Americans as one of the
most proper. sending them out with arms, i~nple~nents of household and of
the handicraft arts, feeds, pairs of useful domestic animals, &c. to declare
them a free and independent people, and extend to them our alliance and
protection, till they shall have acquired strength: and to send vessels at the
same time to other parts of the world for an equal number of white
to Jefferson's letters refer to F70rci's (1899) multi-volu~nc collected xvni.ks.
or-date is given in the parenthetical citation. I will give tllc volunle number
llowed by the page number in tile voluine. J will also give tlic date of the letter in
eszss beSol-e the citation since there is as yet no co~nplete or authoritative collection oF
-cording to Wilson, JclTerson's enorrnous correspondence is cstirnatcd at approsiinately
lettcrs (O~LIS 199357). and tlius constitutes his most important botly oi'litcratu~.c. In this
t a few lelters dcaling explicitly and substantially witit colonisation. and
85 and 1825, as~vell as on the 'Autobiography' (Sel'feerson 1899.1:66-69) and
ate of Virginia' (.leSfersan 1984). which also coillain i~nportarit ciiscussio~is of