Shane Moran - Alternation Journal
Shane Moran - Alternation Journal
Shane Moran - Alternation Journal
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The Uzvlded Afrlcnn St vltl ITefnson<br />
despotism. Rather they attempt to accommodate the chiefs, encouraging the111 in idea that the chiefs-who are regarded as 'being the spokespersons generally of<br />
belief they are somehow part of democracy in South Africa and, indeed, that their 1<br />
should be reinforced and privileges extended. lem of development is relegated to the minor question of the<br />
The revival of political life in the run-up to the 1999 election ies and municipalities. There is paralysis on<br />
exarnples of the Realpolitik of South Africa which are also those of Africa, illustra whether traditional leaders should have voting<br />
that national political leadership depends on traditional authority for power. clusion at all. The blurring of these issues<br />
support of the rural people is solicited not directly by campaignin th the anti-democratic traditional authorities.<br />
chiefs. This is illustrated by the tendency for Robert Mugabe ill Zimb is is the Realpolitik which Mamdani is sharply alive to and which confinns the mail1<br />
the cultural and religious significance of the African chiefs, to promise ust of his argument. These examples of the articulation of lnodernising elites with<br />
strengthening of their position, and affirm their role in communicating ate a general tendency in African politics and society: that of<br />
ancestors before elections. Similarly there are displays of President Mandela mo to reach its limits and to seek accommodation and joint rule<br />
fa~niliarly among the chiefs of the Transkei, and our Minister of Constitution th the chiefs. Customary law unreformed by the embrace of<br />
Developlnent promising an expanded role for chiefs in local government and the rms of despotic rule remain the afterbirth of<br />
continued control over the allocation of land (SATV 5 March 19<br />
leaders are alive to this courtship and play the game. The leader of<br />
Phathekile Holomisa, has expressed the fear that politicians want<br />
the chiefs who, he claims, represent the people in the rural areas. He<br />
at modernising local government have been made before in Africa a ntellectuals is Mamdani's analysis of the inner<br />
they will fail in South Africa because elected councillors don't delive ns between this colonial tradition, the scalpel of iinperialisln in the dextrous<br />
not properly represented in local councils in rural areas (SAfm 1 May 1998). Spe alevolent flowering of apartheid. The argument<br />
on behalf of CONTRALESA, he objects to the Ministers deciding on the ra the end product of colonialism in Africa, however, which appears so<br />
traditional leaders, who is a king or paramount chief, etc. and demand ple, unfortunately also reveals the limits ofhis hypothesis. While there<br />
pensions and salaries for traditional and elected leaders (SAfm 2 May 1998 mate connections, colonial practice did not prescribe the outcome of apartheid.<br />
central to the debate about traditional culture. In rural areas to draw on the insights provided by the cheap labour theorists to explain its<br />
development projects, case studies have revealed that decisions about such ~rojects ory. Theoretically Malndani appears to lose the essential link between the<br />
often taken autocratically by the chief and his councillors. Youth and women are den~e cal economy of South Africa and the nature of internal divisions; the lines of<br />
participation. The first priority often seems to be to build a road to the ch vision among the population were most brutally enforced, but they were also<br />
When food relief is provided it has been reported that the first person to benefit is wed. The solution to these manifest divisions, both in South Africa and<br />
chief, who requires food for himself before the children can be fed. Communi in the political or administrative, though both are vital in the<br />
complain to the Hearings on Poverty that the chiefs are the main notion of African unity and progress, but in the economic and the<br />
development. These are impressions of the actual power relationships i e modem sector and the eventual smoothing over of the rasping lines of<br />
and policy statements aim at accommodating these realities. ciety. This is a function of rural as well as urban<br />
The recently released White Paper on Local Government (Ma tradition of the Ujamma villages of Tanzania, which were originally<br />
1988:4.4,4.3) avoids confronting the issue of power and authori 1 Africa's imagination before becoming the bureaucratic nightmare<br />
arguing that there is no conflict between Afiican customs and traditions mi-modernised and authoritarian state, shows the latent possibilities of African<br />
and promising 'additional functions' to be added to those of traditional leaders. ve and African solutions.<br />
distortion of tradition under apartheid is not mentioned and neither are the obvio Mamdani expresses severe reservations about the emergence of a vital civil<br />
enormous problems such as the representation and rights of women, e outlines of the landscape of African realities are presented in<br />
one crucial question. This policy statement from a democratic government promot okes but the colours are sharply monochroinal, purely black and<br />
slow evolution of society from the customary<br />
various challenges posed by the individual and<br />
' For some reasoll these displays of courtship are only registered in the electronic media a aled in civil society, the bending of custom and tradition to the<br />
not in the press. Speeches are not lodged on the ANC's website of speeches, making a recordi s of urban and industrial life (most evident in South African anthropology, but<br />
of the actual promises and entreaties dependent on note-taking at transmission times! the work of the Zambian school of social change), the initiatives of individuals