Shane Moran - Alternation Journal

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T/7e Dividect African S id Hernson annihilation of the tribal polity which was the first impulse in the colo administrator's mind. Fear of the complete proletarianisation of African labourers crucial to the change in policy. This approach provided a clear link between economy and society bu innocent of political elaboration, particularly in Legassick's (1974; 1997) work. TI support for attelnpts to reconstruct the reserves, the encouragement of a traditional pet bourgeoisie, the coercive nature of migrant labour whereby African migrants w forced to return and renew links with the rural area, all show a logical connect between the cheap labour strategy and the political superstructure. Later, of course, cheap labour theory has been contested for relying on a functional and undynainic of the relations between the political and the economic. It is well known that in 1960s and beyond, the dysfunctional side of political oppression became cle apparent and apartheid became in living reality a regime of crisis. The separ between politics and economics became a gulf, and intensified with the economic cr endemic to late apartheid. But none of this amou~lts to grounds for rejecting essential truths of the cheap labour argument in the foundations of segregation apartheid. In a sense capitalism appeared in South Africa in a weak fonn, able only provide for the capitalist class itself, a white middle class and a privileged class, while imparting misery and degradation to the majority. Its modernising mi was so~nehow blunted, its destructive edge against traditionalism held back. An electoral reform that does not affect the appointment of the Nativc very opposite direction is undertaken in policy even though the extension Authority and its chiefs-which leaves rural areas out of consideration as relations worked inexorably, if incompletely, to dissolve prior modes of produ so many protectorates-is precisely about the reemergence of a More than any other issue, the land question shaped the character of colonial s decentralized despotism! (289). The market in land was incomplete and would remain incomplete, and the sustainin patriarchal relations on communal land became the watchword of the great and weal victor in electoral politics feels entitled to the right to rule over subjects through Capitalism came late and, unlike the situation in post-war South Korea, Taiwan, ve Authorities, to appoint chiefs, etc.: 'the issue in a civil society-centred contest Japan, the conquerors turned their swords toward the entrenchment of the old orde to be who will be master of all tribes' (289). The ethnicity OF the president is these countries the essential hold ofold authority on the land was decisively broken 1 as the rural is governed through patrimonial relationships, and rural in Africa the process appears essentially different as the old order is allowed to retai allocation of land, by and large, and there is no general market in land. In South A the most productive and extensive tracts of land were appropriated by the whi the chiefs were reinforced in their power over the scraps which remained. Some ofth were just sufficient to sustain, not a tribal mode of production, hut a modicu for traditional family life and custon~. This was enough to disguise the i absurdity of the Bantustans fro~n the rural poor. As could be anticipated, the migrant held desperately on tp these plots as a relatively cheap family home. econo~nic and the political intertwine, separate out, and recombine in different str to reveal the essential relations of one of the most perverse and destructive so our time. The weakness of Citizen nndSllbject is that the mode of political dominatio foregrounded at the expense of these other factors. This said, one of the merits Marndani's book is its perception of post-colonial political developme~lt and complexity ofthe broad processes ofdemocratisation.
The Dzvlded Ajrlc~lr~ State David FIernson coln~rolnising with the same despotism. All attempts at change come full circle against the inertia of traditionalism which has an extraordinary weight, Citizen andSzlbject presents a starkly realistic recognition of the vitiation of civil society in Africa, a landscape with no high ground above various despotic forlns of l~le. But for all the dazzling display of analystic synthesis and counterpoint, Malndani to stumble in confronting the very monster he reveals; the geological faultline of Africa's substructure is exposed but then our author recoils froln bold proposals for change. If there are no proposals for change, then the reader is left with the fatalistic conclusioll of an inexorable African reality. Division is ineluctable, between town and countryside, between civil society and rural despotism, between the striving for elnanci~ation and the dead hand of tradition; all appear too weighty to move, too resistant to change for change to succeed. The analysis is sharply structural and bipolar as the two sides of the African divide are identified and mapped, and any shifts in the elnocratic practice and civil society have flourished for an entire period. (lnplicit in the iew of established democracy is the idea that these societies have reached their 'end of sent battles for democracy in the economically devastated regions ofthe world. 248 249
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References I he Use o/ 1Vet.narllla
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Davicl Kazanlian deportat~on scheme
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David EiLzzcznjlaw Racial C;overrzn
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C'zirrent Turrzds in the Production
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urrent lrends in the Prodzdction of
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LI(IIEPZI ~reilus zn the Prodzlcllo
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Alex la Guma's Politics and Aesthet
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Shane Moran - Alternation Journal

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