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Shane Moran - Alternation Journal

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,4cclrle11lic Exchanges<br />

liberation str~~ggle~. But it is also important to recall that, whatever their decl<br />

principles, liberal South African universities opposed in principle to the evol<br />

policy ofapartheid did practise segregation on their own initiative before either 194<br />

the Extension of University Education Act of 1959. I11 an era of transformation the<br />

of educational institutions in prornoting inequality and privilege remains obscu<br />

behind declarations of critical rectitude and exhortatoly encomia claiming that, as<br />

rare often "othered" by populist democratic discourse' (Malan 1995:22f)--the<br />

ed subalte~n continues to speak.<br />

If the university is well-positioned historically to promote the principles of<br />

ated transition (inclusion, conciliation, consensus, and stability)-and so<br />

u~nental to the project of nation building that requires a wide range of syinbolic and<br />

ursive interventions integral to the forination of a new national consensus-it is<br />

true that the university reproduces the tensions, conflicts and injustices of society<br />

an institution traditionally fourided on principles ol'tlcmocracy, universalisln<br />

and non-racialism. the uiiivcrsity has a duty and ;I moral obligation to<br />

contribulc tonation-building (Kliotseng 1994:S).<br />

e process of reflecting on these phenoniena. The university is one of the circuits<br />

reby wealth and privilege are distributed that is able to both register and subs~ilne<br />

ssures of the polity beneath the prospect of national unity. As well as providilig a<br />

um for the production of model-ilising klite, corporatist-style elite pacting and<br />

Whcn the 'principles' of the university function within the integuments o<br />

oppressive socio-economic system, pronouncements by academics extollil<br />

virtues of citizenship and democracy call conceal unequal relations behind a ju<br />

form ol'equality. Aftitmations of electorialisrn and constitutionalism emanatin<br />

universities employing abstract collective postulates (general will, people,<br />

culture, community, etc.) are designed to serve as principles of unity and equa<br />

they can equally function to fix arbitrary arid unequal relations between<br />

conceived as agents. It is notable that the reformist rhetoric of rcpresentationalisin<br />

constitutionalism of progressive university mission stateinents has not challen<br />

existing property relations but rather promoted a redistribution of 'opportunity'<br />

key to equity7. Valedictol.ian professions of marginality aside---'acadeinics in pos<br />

1 stratification, the institution is as likely to display a 'duty andmoral obligation' to<br />

nd work to ensure its own existence.<br />

The image of the university as the point of intersection of social<br />

~gations-a type of autonomous but responsible moral legislature mediating<br />

tween the executive and civil society-obscures the position of institutions within a<br />

law that depends on a sanctioning power backed up by consent and violence'.<br />

versities refer to themselves as 'communities', as civil societies in miniature,<br />

slve power relations within the institution that do mirror the civil war of society<br />

ge, along with the material interests of the academic knowledge class (centred on<br />

ecurity), are minimised. There can be no simple exchange of political imperatives<br />

cademic imperatives despite recent highly political calls for the depoliticisation of<br />

university:<br />

collected in Moss and Obeiy (1989) provide an overvielv ol'thc struggle in tlre late 1980s.<br />

ill the next rniilenilium will ... bc i-uaykecl ... by a new awareness ol'ihe creativc and comlli<br />

Most I-IRUs became sites ofstruggle during the 1980s (and a tkw long before<br />

the 1980s). but thispolitical project ITILIS~ give way Lo the ncadenlic project of<br />

the 1990s if these universities are to be reconstituted as ~mivrvsrties in postapartheid<br />

South Africa(Switzcl- 19985).<br />

African ferninisms<br />

entification of the university as a site of struggle, South African feminislns hold<br />

promise of critically interrogating the social function of the university and the<br />

attention to the factors that<br />

and set themselves the task of uncovering the complex<br />

s that structure the university. South African academics have scrutinised<br />

ional practices within the often nepotistic and sexist<br />

y where in 1990 men constituted 73% of academic staff.<br />

urban-LVestville involvcd tlrc<br />

ecurity fir~rr accurately named<br />

lorcs the dynamics of student

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