Shane Moran - Alternation Journal
Shane Moran - Alternation Journal
Shane Moran - Alternation Journal
You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles
YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.
,4cclrle11lic Exchanges<br />
liberation str~~ggle~. But it is also important to recall that, whatever their decl<br />
principles, liberal South African universities opposed in principle to the evol<br />
policy ofapartheid did practise segregation on their own initiative before either 194<br />
the Extension of University Education Act of 1959. I11 an era of transformation the<br />
of educational institutions in prornoting inequality and privilege remains obscu<br />
behind declarations of critical rectitude and exhortatoly encomia claiming that, as<br />
rare often "othered" by populist democratic discourse' (Malan 1995:22f)--the<br />
ed subalte~n continues to speak.<br />
If the university is well-positioned historically to promote the principles of<br />
ated transition (inclusion, conciliation, consensus, and stability)-and so<br />
u~nental to the project of nation building that requires a wide range of syinbolic and<br />
ursive interventions integral to the forination of a new national consensus-it is<br />
true that the university reproduces the tensions, conflicts and injustices of society<br />
an institution traditionally fourided on principles ol'tlcmocracy, universalisln<br />
and non-racialism. the uiiivcrsity has a duty and ;I moral obligation to<br />
contribulc tonation-building (Kliotseng 1994:S).<br />
e process of reflecting on these phenoniena. The university is one of the circuits<br />
reby wealth and privilege are distributed that is able to both register and subs~ilne<br />
ssures of the polity beneath the prospect of national unity. As well as providilig a<br />
um for the production of model-ilising klite, corporatist-style elite pacting and<br />
Whcn the 'principles' of the university function within the integuments o<br />
oppressive socio-economic system, pronouncements by academics extollil<br />
virtues of citizenship and democracy call conceal unequal relations behind a ju<br />
form ol'equality. Aftitmations of electorialisrn and constitutionalism emanatin<br />
universities employing abstract collective postulates (general will, people,<br />
culture, community, etc.) are designed to serve as principles of unity and equa<br />
they can equally function to fix arbitrary arid unequal relations between<br />
conceived as agents. It is notable that the reformist rhetoric of rcpresentationalisin<br />
constitutionalism of progressive university mission stateinents has not challen<br />
existing property relations but rather promoted a redistribution of 'opportunity'<br />
key to equity7. Valedictol.ian professions of marginality aside---'acadeinics in pos<br />
1 stratification, the institution is as likely to display a 'duty andmoral obligation' to<br />
nd work to ensure its own existence.<br />
The image of the university as the point of intersection of social<br />
~gations-a type of autonomous but responsible moral legislature mediating<br />
tween the executive and civil society-obscures the position of institutions within a<br />
law that depends on a sanctioning power backed up by consent and violence'.<br />
versities refer to themselves as 'communities', as civil societies in miniature,<br />
slve power relations within the institution that do mirror the civil war of society<br />
ge, along with the material interests of the academic knowledge class (centred on<br />
ecurity), are minimised. There can be no simple exchange of political imperatives<br />
cademic imperatives despite recent highly political calls for the depoliticisation of<br />
university:<br />
collected in Moss and Obeiy (1989) provide an overvielv ol'thc struggle in tlre late 1980s.<br />
ill the next rniilenilium will ... bc i-uaykecl ... by a new awareness ol'ihe creativc and comlli<br />
Most I-IRUs became sites ofstruggle during the 1980s (and a tkw long before<br />
the 1980s). but thispolitical project ITILIS~ give way Lo the ncadenlic project of<br />
the 1990s if these universities are to be reconstituted as ~mivrvsrties in postapartheid<br />
South Africa(Switzcl- 19985).<br />
African ferninisms<br />
entification of the university as a site of struggle, South African feminislns hold<br />
promise of critically interrogating the social function of the university and the<br />
attention to the factors that<br />
and set themselves the task of uncovering the complex<br />
s that structure the university. South African academics have scrutinised<br />
ional practices within the often nepotistic and sexist<br />
y where in 1990 men constituted 73% of academic staff.<br />
urban-LVestville involvcd tlrc<br />
ecurity fir~rr accurately named<br />
lorcs the dynamics of student