“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...
“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ... “MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...
is to say, they began to link ideals of local status and rights to more state-centered sovereign frameworks. As we will see in more detail in the last chapter, this provided a foundation for negotiations between peripheral and coastal elites over the terms of their relationship. Borderlands courts would also provide one of the principal venues in which they worked out the terms of the compromise. The relationship between interior elites and Montevideo reemerged as an important political issue in the borderlands press, as well. A lengthy article in Salto’s El Progreso newspaper in January of 1876 openly discussed the need to reconstitute the fragmented Uruguayan state and its local identities in order to preserve both property and the status of property owners. 52 The article began by contrasting the work of the Rural Association, “composed of a group of enlightened vecinos of different nationalities” and “true apostles for the public good” with those men that “have been working like a virus to corrupt the social body.” This latter group had fostered “political passions in a struggle with no quarter.” As a result, Uruguay continued to lack a government with sufficient strength to foster “the conservation and development of material interests.” Given this reality, the article called for a new “patriotism” that could overcome the “political frenzy” that had so damaged the nation’s wealth. The touchstone of this new patriotism was an “adhesion to the land” and to “social solidarity” at the local level in order to form “a strong and happy town [pueblo] through the free coexistence of individuals.” To make sure this felicitous result came to pass, however, it was necessary “to strengthen the prestige and power of the necessary authorities.” This meant ensuring that the “Superior Government” possessed the tools to 52 El Progreso, Año II, n. 7 (January 11, 1876), 1. 322
protect “the development of those good elements [read – the ‘enlightened vecinos’]” in the town. 53 Embedded within the article’s language was an implicit compromise. On the one hand, the article referenced the language of borderlands legalities. It highlighted the patriotism of vecinos, regardless of nationality. In this way, it echoed traditional, peripheral definitions of citizenship. These definitions were premised more upon local standing than national boundaries. At the same time, however, the article now linked these peripheral notions of status with explicit support for the national government and its laws in the service of maintaining the proper social order in rural society. In short, the article envisioned an arrangement in which local elites maintained their place in the social hierarchy. This included an emphasis on localized connections above strict national identities. Peripheral elites would offer their loyalty to the national government in exchange for the protection of these relationships. It envisioned the same types of compromises between local autonomy and national authority that had underpinned Urquiza’s failed political project across the Uruguay. The missing element was an assertive central state. The Uruguayan army would fill the void civilian authorities in Montevideo had failed to do. Much like the internal conflicts in Argentina during the course of the Paraguayan War, the Revolución de las lanzas brought the Uruguayan national army to the center of political life. The conflicts in the early 1870s in particular transformed the Uruguayan military from largely a factional entity tied to particular commanders like Flores into a professionalized force associated for the first time with the Uruguayan nation. Career officers like Lorenzo Latorre also benefitted from the army’s new role. Born only in 1844, Latorre represented a new generation of officers that had come of 53 Ibid. 323
- Page 281 and 282: supply his troops. 26 By the time o
- Page 283 and 284: Brazilian masters that resulted in
- Page 285 and 286: pursue further rights. They would p
- Page 287 and 288: in the Estado Oriental. At the hear
- Page 289 and 290: was also a personal enemy of Canaba
- Page 291 and 292: part of a broader narrative of conf
- Page 293 and 294: anything, Orientales.” 56 Gomez
- Page 295 and 296: anchers, like that of local Uruguay
- Page 297 and 298: “complete proof of oriental natio
- Page 299 and 300: Uruguayan notaries. These included
- Page 301 and 302: Republic over issues of rivertine t
- Page 303 and 304: his cattle in 1858. 79 Recall also
- Page 305 and 306: of warfare in the borderlands furth
- Page 307 and 308: In effect, he hoped to exchange loy
- Page 309 and 310: guarantee their commercial relation
- Page 311 and 312: governments in Montevideo and Brazi
- Page 313 and 314: nineteen in the provincial militia
- Page 315 and 316: authority to contain the more radic
- Page 317 and 318: captured the city of Corrientes. To
- Page 319 and 320: Urquiza struggled to reorganize his
- Page 321 and 322: attle in March of 1870. 29 By the e
- Page 323 and 324: The national government sent an “
- Page 325 and 326: the reciprocal trading relationship
- Page 327 and 328: splintered into “traditional” a
- Page 329 and 330: country’s ranching elites. In res
- Page 331: these absurd and unwarranted charge
- Page 335 and 336: police forces to better protect cat
- Page 337 and 338: conspiracies, the steady stream of
- Page 339 and 340: matter was overblown and that repor
- Page 341 and 342: CHAPTER 8 NEGOTIATING NATIONS ALTHO
- Page 343 and 344: Local Legal Practices and National
- Page 345 and 346: pointed link between the “honor
- Page 347 and 348: personal interests, Guarch’s fact
- Page 349 and 350: Guarch first sought to tip the scal
- Page 351 and 352: following the order designated by t
- Page 353 and 354: history in 1877. 24 Salto’s first
- Page 355 and 356: twenty-five peso fine. 29 Leal prom
- Page 357 and 358: serves?” 36 He continued: “Does
- Page 359 and 360: abuses “no doubt flowed from the
- Page 361 and 362: political allegiances. Within the f
- Page 363 and 364: Operating within this relationship,
- Page 365 and 366: By the dawn of the 1880s, national
- Page 367 and 368: ejected this evidence, however, fin
- Page 369 and 370: with his son-in-law Alexander da Cr
- Page 371 and 372: not only to affirm these local find
- Page 373 and 374: olster the positions of important l
- Page 375 and 376: CONCLUSION IN 1887, THE GREAT URUGU
- Page 377 and 378: elationships and secure local court
- Page 379 and 380: economies to the forces of global c
- Page 381 and 382: ARGENTINA ARCHIVES CONSULTED BIBLIO
protect “the development of those good elements [read – the ‘enlightened vecinos’]” in the<br />
town. 53<br />
Embedded within the article’s language was an implicit compromise. On the one<br />
hand, the article referenced the language of borderlands legalities. It highlighted the<br />
patriotism of vecinos, regardless of nationality. In this way, it echoed traditional, peripheral<br />
definitions of citizenship. These definitions were premised more upon local standing than<br />
national boundaries. At the same time, however, the article now linked these peripheral<br />
notions of status with explicit support for the national government and its laws in the service<br />
of maintaining the proper social order in rural society. In short, the article envisioned an<br />
arrangement in which local elites maintained their place in the social hierarchy. This<br />
included an emphasis on localized connections above strict national identities. Peripheral<br />
elites would offer their loyalty to the national government in exchange for the protection of<br />
these relationships. It envisioned the same types of compromises between local autonomy<br />
and national authority that had underpinned Urquiza’s failed political project across the<br />
Uruguay.<br />
The missing element was an assertive central state. The Uruguayan army would fill<br />
the void civilian authorities in Montevideo had failed to do. Much like the internal conflicts<br />
in Argentina during the course of the Paraguayan War, the Revolución de las lanzas brought the<br />
Uruguayan national army to the center of political life. The conflicts in the early 1870s in<br />
particular transformed the Uruguayan military from largely a factional entity tied to particular<br />
commanders like Flores into a professionalized force associated for the first time with the<br />
Uruguayan nation. Career officers like Lorenzo Latorre also benefitted from the army’s new<br />
role. Born only in 1844, Latorre represented a new generation of officers that had come of<br />
<br />
53 Ibid.<br />
323 <br />
<br />