“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...

“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ... “MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...

dataspace.princeton.edu
from dataspace.princeton.edu More from this publisher
28.06.2013 Views

is to say, they began to link ideals of local status and rights to more state-centered sovereign frameworks. As we will see in more detail in the last chapter, this provided a foundation for negotiations between peripheral and coastal elites over the terms of their relationship. Borderlands courts would also provide one of the principal venues in which they worked out the terms of the compromise. The relationship between interior elites and Montevideo reemerged as an important political issue in the borderlands press, as well. A lengthy article in Salto’s El Progreso newspaper in January of 1876 openly discussed the need to reconstitute the fragmented Uruguayan state and its local identities in order to preserve both property and the status of property owners. 52 The article began by contrasting the work of the Rural Association, “composed of a group of enlightened vecinos of different nationalities” and “true apostles for the public good” with those men that “have been working like a virus to corrupt the social body.” This latter group had fostered “political passions in a struggle with no quarter.” As a result, Uruguay continued to lack a government with sufficient strength to foster “the conservation and development of material interests.” Given this reality, the article called for a new “patriotism” that could overcome the “political frenzy” that had so damaged the nation’s wealth. The touchstone of this new patriotism was an “adhesion to the land” and to “social solidarity” at the local level in order to form “a strong and happy town [pueblo] through the free coexistence of individuals.” To make sure this felicitous result came to pass, however, it was necessary “to strengthen the prestige and power of the necessary authorities.” This meant ensuring that the “Superior Government” possessed the tools to 























































 52 El Progreso, Año II, n. 7 (January 11, 1876), 1. 322
 
 


protect “the development of those good elements [read – the ‘enlightened vecinos’]” in the town. 53 Embedded within the article’s language was an implicit compromise. On the one hand, the article referenced the language of borderlands legalities. It highlighted the patriotism of vecinos, regardless of nationality. In this way, it echoed traditional, peripheral definitions of citizenship. These definitions were premised more upon local standing than national boundaries. At the same time, however, the article now linked these peripheral notions of status with explicit support for the national government and its laws in the service of maintaining the proper social order in rural society. In short, the article envisioned an arrangement in which local elites maintained their place in the social hierarchy. This included an emphasis on localized connections above strict national identities. Peripheral elites would offer their loyalty to the national government in exchange for the protection of these relationships. It envisioned the same types of compromises between local autonomy and national authority that had underpinned Urquiza’s failed political project across the Uruguay. The missing element was an assertive central state. The Uruguayan army would fill the void civilian authorities in Montevideo had failed to do. Much like the internal conflicts in Argentina during the course of the Paraguayan War, the Revolución de las lanzas brought the Uruguayan national army to the center of political life. The conflicts in the early 1870s in particular transformed the Uruguayan military from largely a factional entity tied to particular commanders like Flores into a professionalized force associated for the first time with the Uruguayan nation. Career officers like Lorenzo Latorre also benefitted from the army’s new role. Born only in 1844, Latorre represented a new generation of officers that had come of 























































 53 Ibid. 323
 
 


protect “the development of those good elements [read – the ‘enlightened vecinos’]” in the<br />

town. 53<br />

Embedded within the article’s language was an implicit compromise. On the one<br />

hand, the article referenced the language of borderlands legalities. It highlighted the<br />

patriotism of vecinos, regardless of nationality. In this way, it echoed traditional, peripheral<br />

definitions of citizenship. These definitions were premised more upon local standing than<br />

national boundaries. At the same time, however, the article now linked these peripheral<br />

notions of status with explicit support for the national government and its laws in the service<br />

of maintaining the proper social order in rural society. In short, the article envisioned an<br />

arrangement in which local elites maintained their place in the social hierarchy. This<br />

included an emphasis on localized connections above strict national identities. Peripheral<br />

elites would offer their loyalty to the national government in exchange for the protection of<br />

these relationships. It envisioned the same types of compromises between local autonomy<br />

and national authority that had underpinned Urquiza’s failed political project across the<br />

Uruguay.<br />

The missing element was an assertive central state. The Uruguayan army would fill<br />

the void civilian authorities in Montevideo had failed to do. Much like the internal conflicts<br />

in Argentina during the course of the Paraguayan War, the Revolución de las lanzas brought the<br />

Uruguayan national army to the center of political life. The conflicts in the early 1870s in<br />

particular transformed the Uruguayan military from largely a factional entity tied to particular<br />

commanders like Flores into a professionalized force associated for the first time with the<br />

Uruguayan nation. Career officers like Lorenzo Latorre also benefitted from the army’s new<br />

role. Born only in 1844, Latorre represented a new generation of officers that had come of<br />

























































<br />

53 Ibid.<br />

323
<br />


<br />

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!