“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...

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not yet know where they are going to come from.” 185 Urquiza still possessed a large fortune and he used it to finance his military operations personally. But without revenues, the Confederation itself failed to emerge as a true state structure. The survival of the interior union hinged exclusively on Urquiza. Despite his government’s penury, Urquiza still commanded substantial military resources and the overwhelming allegiance of provincial leaders. Unable to defeat Urquiza in a direct confrontation, Mitre used his superior financial resources to court allies throughout the Río de la Plata in an effort to erode the Confederation from within. 186 The frequent local clashes between factional rivals in the borderlands provided a vehicle for Mitre to begin to forge a coalition to challenge Urquiza’s confederation. Mitre’s strategy also revealed an important aspect of his new national framework. Specifically, while Mitre worked to consolidate Buenos Aires’ hold on the Argentine provinces, he also sought to build his personal authority at least in part by using aspects of borderlands legalities. The result would be a state in which porteño-centered sovereign models were dominant, but alternative legalities would likely continue to play an important role in defining political relationships on its periphery. Like Urquiza, Mitre could utilize the substantial powers granted to the executive under the 1853 Constitution to arbitrate the relationship between national power and local legal and political associations. Corrientes provides a good example of the process Mitre employed to bring his sovereign visions to reality. The province had long been a bastion of opposition to porteño control over the Río de la Plata’s rivers. The merchant community in the city of Corrientes had led much of the provincial opposition to Rosas. Under Juan Pujol, correntino merchants                                                          185 Scobie, La Lucha por la Consolidación, 155. 186 Ibid., 154-86.   234   
and elites now supported Urquiza’s confederation. Along the Uruguay River, however, prominent local ranchers resented the political dominance of the merchant community in the capital. Departmental military leaders in the province’s southern and eastern borderlands around Curuzú-Cuatiá, Mercedes and Monte Caseros opposed attempts by the provincial government to control their local territories. Nicanor Cáceres was the most politically prominent of these local correntino chieftains. Cáceres had allied with Urquiza throughout the 1840s in opposition to the provincial government in the city of Corrientes. With Pujol now backing Urquiza’s national government, Mitre reached out to Cáceres. Mitre utilized Buenos Aires’ greatest asset – its wealth – to support Cáceres and other local commanders in their opposition to the correntino government. With Mitre’s logistical support, Cáceres launched an uprising against Pujol’s government in 1854. Pujol, with the assistance of the Confederation government in Paraná, quickly suppressed the revolt. However, Cáceres managed to retain his grip on the province’s southern departments. 187 Through his support for Cáceres, Mitre succeeded in ensuring a “permanent disequilibrium” in Corrientes that precluded the complete consolidation of the Confederation’s authority. 188 Throughout the 1850s, Mitre continued to encourage these types of low-level skirmishes between local leaders like Cáceres and Pujol. Cáceres and other commanders in the correntino borderlands along the Uruguay in turn continued to use their connections to the porteños to secure their own autonomy within the province. A particularly prickly subject for                                                          187 Urquiza engaged in similar activities, using his personal wealth and power to secure allies. Cáceres appeared to play both sides strategically (although ultimately unsuccessfully). Urquiza renewed his ties to Cáceres in 1855 in order to use the local caudillo to pressure Pujol into maintaining his support for the Confederation. Ibid., 122, n. 12. 188 Pablo Buchbinder, Caudillos de Pluma y Hombres de Acción: Estado y Política en Corrientes en Tiempos de la Organización Nacional (Buenos Aires: Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento: Prometeo Libros, 2004), 89.   235   
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“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDING
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ABSTRACT This dissertation explores
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TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT iii ACKN
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Like the wandering
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Upon returning to the United States
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INTRODUCTION IN EARLY 1828, A FRENC
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Juan Manuel de Rosas and Facundo Qu
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By moving between stories of law an
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in the continental interior. They d
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the fluid character of borderlands
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and geographic conceptions. Extendi
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local legal norms and practices in
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that has greatly expanded the space
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along rivertine trading corridors.
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strains articulated by men like Art
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Bringing the courts back into the s
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of borderlands leaders to negotiate
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Removing the old colonial order, ho
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the city remained a sparsely popula
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smugglers and other imperial outlaw
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Imperial Collapse and Fragmentation
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ivers, deserts and a few vagrant an
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defend its possessions, peninsular
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They requested that the Junta appoi
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manufactured products for the Andea
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The Paraguayan government proposed
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Montevideo in January of 1811, he i
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Ríos. From there, he continued to
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easoning. 25 They had rejected the
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military headquarters along the ban
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sovereignty rooted in borderlands p
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Artigas’ defeat did not spell the
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economy. By 1822, the powerful merc
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universal laws that would further r
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Pedro abdicated the throne in 1831,
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CHAPTER 2 THE (RE)EMERGENCE OF BORD
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operate throughout the borderlands
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and staple exports instead of the o
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Ríos in particular witnessed a dra
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goods as far north as the cities of
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simmering struggles. By 1840, local
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merchants, traders and landowners.
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earning the faction’s colorado ti
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Guarch’s deal with Carvalho revea
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web of reciprocal relationships tha
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the border in Brazil. In this way,
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In short, over the course of a deca
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that he had employed to first arran
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opposite direction from Porto Alegr
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Pinto sought to have the property d
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dealings with Vázquez and the Carv
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Ríos or by ship to Montero’s out
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alliances with the blancos to open
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connections up and down the river t
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With his money now in limbo and his
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honorable merchant. His associates
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meant more than establishing a docu
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Uruguaiana and Salto. 80 Chaves and
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complex laws “that they only unde
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were considered suspect, particular
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status. Public recognition of one
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They reasoned that “one has to re
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unanimous and respected testimony o
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powerful figures like Urquiza, depe
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CHAPTER 3 SOVEREIGN CONFLICTS THE R
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conflicts between peripheral ranche
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further agreed to provide payments
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Sosa almost immediately responded.
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funds, the imperial government took
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Throughout the early 1830s, the Uru
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Fernandes Braga, the provincial pre
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Frustrated by the lack of progress,
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cataloguing illegal property confis
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also provided prominent local elite
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As the 1850s dawned, the persistent
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traffic along the Uruguay. Rosas fi
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would order, they intend to be resp
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economic and political relationship
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fed back into broader political dis
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advance their visions for a new nat
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Estado Oriental and had fought at C
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Brazilian officials opened secret n
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The 1855 occupation reinvigorated e
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end political violence in the inter
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important) but also dealt with defi
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Ribeiros, Prado Lima possessed land
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move to Alegrete were unclear. Duri
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verification of filings in his foru
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“intimate friend and relative.”
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men. They were capable of protectin
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Nolasco and Vianna responded that t
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in 1834. Joaquim dos Santos Prado L
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Vital de Oliveira, securing his ele
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controlled the appointment of distr
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military control. By engaging in th
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faction’s strength. In particular
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Page 195 and 196: the parties and the public, with ea
Page 197 and 198: matter, he was an outsider. Tristan
Page 199 and 200: Tristani then attempted to attack h
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Page 203 and 204: throughout the country that his wor
Page 205 and 206: his wife. He claimed that she “wa
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Page 211 and 212: CHAPTER 5 POLITICAL POWER AND PROPE
Page 213 and 214: property of Joaquim dos Santos Prad
Page 215 and 216: acknowledged by both court and poss
Page 217 and 218: Paulo, Sá Brito was one of the few
Page 219 and 220: Teixeira claimed that Prado Lima ha
Page 221 and 222: the trial court’s judgment. The c
Page 223 and 224: lands in question in 1833. The cour
Page 225 and 226: The appearance of testimony by Prad
Page 227 and 228: of cattle from the da Silva’s lan
Page 229 and 230: [Lima] contracted with an untrained
Page 231 and 232: that department, Colonel Diego Lama
Page 233 and 234: vizinho” in Alegrete’s courts o
Page 235 and 236: Brigadier Don David Canavarro . . .
Page 237 and 238: assistance, Garces won her case aga
Page 239 and 240: Brazil. Berro ended a decade of fre
Page 241 and 242: coexistence of these provincial and
Page 243: Urquiza’s efforts to placate his
Page 247 and 248: province within the national framew
Page 249 and 250: porteño cavalry at Cepeda and Pav
Page 251 and 252: The correntino merchants responded
Page 253 and 254: assembling witnesses (in this case,
Page 255 and 256: etween himself and Abendaño, howev
Page 257 and 258: complete the exchange, however, Bic
Page 259 and 260: side sought to dictate the distribu
Page 261 and 262: Bica had used commercial and politi
Page 263 and 264: The incident also revealed how impe
Page 265 and 266: positioned the Ribeiro faction to g
Page 267 and 268: Borderlands inhabitants in the earl
Page 269 and 270: neatly encapsulated the ongoing con
Page 271 and 272: for Brazilian ranchers. In the best
Page 273 and 274: anchers operating throughout the bo
Page 275 and 276: Brazilian slave laws followed them
Page 277 and 278: familial connections on the Brazili
Page 279 and 280: defined their respective places in
Page 281 and 282: supply his troops. 26 By the time o
Page 283 and 284: Brazilian masters that resulted in
Page 285 and 286: pursue further rights. They would p
Page 287 and 288: in the Estado Oriental. At the hear
Page 289 and 290: was also a personal enemy of Canaba
Page 291 and 292: part of a broader narrative of conf
Page 293 and 294: anything, Orientales.” 56 Gomez
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anchers, like that of local Uruguay
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“complete proof of oriental natio
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Uruguayan notaries. These included
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Republic over issues of rivertine t
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his cattle in 1858. 79 Recall also
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of warfare in the borderlands furth
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In effect, he hoped to exchange loy
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guarantee their commercial relation
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governments in Montevideo and Brazi
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nineteen in the provincial militia
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authority to contain the more radic
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captured the city of Corrientes. To
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Urquiza struggled to reorganize his
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attle in March of 1870. 29 By the e
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The national government sent an “
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the reciprocal trading relationship
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splintered into “traditional” a
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country’s ranching elites. In res
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these absurd and unwarranted charge
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protect “the development of those
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police forces to better protect cat
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conspiracies, the steady stream of
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matter was overblown and that repor
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CHAPTER 8 NEGOTIATING NATIONS ALTHO
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Local Legal Practices and National
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pointed link between the “honor
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personal interests, Guarch’s fact
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Guarch first sought to tip the scal
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following the order designated by t
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history in 1877. 24 Salto’s first
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twenty-five peso fine. 29 Leal prom
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serves?” 36 He continued: “Does
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abuses “no doubt flowed from the
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political allegiances. Within the f
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Operating within this relationship,
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By the dawn of the 1880s, national
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ejected this evidence, however, fin
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with his son-in-law Alexander da Cr
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not only to affirm these local find
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olster the positions of important l
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CONCLUSION IN 1887, THE GREAT URUGU
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elationships and secure local court
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economies to the forces of global c
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ARGENTINA ARCHIVES CONSULTED BIBLIO
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PUBLISHED PRIMARY AND SECONDARY MAT
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Cárcano, Ramón J. Guerra del Para
Page 387 and 388:
Flores, Mariana Flores da Cunha Tho
Page 389 and 390:
Lasso, Marixa. Myths of Harmony: Ra
Page 391 and 392:
Piccolo, Helga I. L. "A Política R
Page 393 and 394:
Schultz, Kirsten. Tropical Versaill
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