“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...

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to comply with the law: this is not and cannot be a question of faction [partido], it is, yes, a question of the dignity, the honor, the liberty, and the guarantees of the citizens and inhabitants of this Republic.” 91 Parejas and his allies argued that it was Tristani and the blancos that were working to sow divisions in the city and subvert the laws. They wrote: “there are not circles here Tristany, here there are free men that as citizens have the right and the obligation to raise their voices when the authorities of their country violate the laws and fail in their obligations.” They colorfully called upon the readers to cast their own judgment over which party in Salto abused its power: “ask yourselves to which party does Tristany belong? In this way, we will find out if those who have sacrificed justice are blancos, colorados, blacks, yellows, or the greens.” 92 What emerges from the series of articles is how tightly personal reputation and factional allegiances intertwined in Salto’s juicios de imprenta. As Tristani and Parejas challenged each other’s honor in their personal dispute, they drew upon their factional connections to support their legal maneuverings around Salto’s courts, theater and in the streets. At the same time, the theatrical nature of the juicio de imprenta cases made them important scenes for factions to express their power to protect personal reputations publicly. The trial served as a stage for the blancos and colorados in the town. It offered each side a public opportunity to manifest their respective political power to the town’s vecinos. Successfully impugning a rival’s reputation reduced his power to serve as an “honorable vecino” witness for his allies. This in turn lessened his faction’s broader power to provide justice for its members, both locally and throughout the borderlands. As we saw in the                                                          91 Ibid., 3 (emphasis in the original). 92 Ibid. (emphasis in the original).   190   
litigation in Alegrete, questions of personal reputation were never fully divorced from factional struggles. In much the same way, these local factional struggles to solidify their reputation intertwined with the power to dispense private law rights to their factional allies. We already glimpsed the connections between access to justice and cross-border trade in Agustín Guarch’s use of carefully constructed webs of commercial relations to vindicate his legal rights in Alegrete throughout the 1830s and 1840s. These reciprocal ties with men like Prado Lima were vital to Guarch’s commercial prosperity. This in turn fed back into his reputation as a trader, enhancing his reciprocal ability to provide legal and pecuniary patronage to his factional allies in the colorado party. He repeatedly did so, arranging a number of transactions between colorados and prominent merchants in Uruguaiana. These merchants in turn possessed connections back to Prado Lima’s faction, completing the cycle. The juicios de imprenta in Salto reveal similar relationships between the reputation of officials and the legal recognition of property rights. In particular, the public forum of the juicio de imprenta once again provided a vehicle for factional rivals to challenge unfavorable legal actions against their allies and seize the power to restore their property rights in the eyes of the community. Two cases involving Miguel Santos Martinez, a local attorney, public notary and military officer in Salto reveal the interconnected nature between disputes over local reputation and conflicts over property rights. The conflict began when Martinez, a committed blanco, became involved in an ejectment proceeding filed by Ignacio Bastos Pereira against Antonio Perez. 93 Pereira alleged that Perez had unlawfully trespassed on his property by grazing cattle against his permission for a number of years. Accompanied by the                                                          93 D. Miguel S. Martinez c. D. Antonio Peres por injurias, AGN-SJ. Salto. Penales. No. 65 (1862).   191   
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“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDING
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ABSTRACT This dissertation explores
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TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT iii ACKN
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Like the wandering
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Upon returning to the United States
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INTRODUCTION IN EARLY 1828, A FRENC
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Juan Manuel de Rosas and Facundo Qu
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By moving between stories of law an
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in the continental interior. They d
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the fluid character of borderlands
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and geographic conceptions. Extendi
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local legal norms and practices in
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that has greatly expanded the space
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along rivertine trading corridors.
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strains articulated by men like Art
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Bringing the courts back into the s
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of borderlands leaders to negotiate
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Removing the old colonial order, ho
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the city remained a sparsely popula
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smugglers and other imperial outlaw
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Imperial Collapse and Fragmentation
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ivers, deserts and a few vagrant an
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defend its possessions, peninsular
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They requested that the Junta appoi
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manufactured products for the Andea
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The Paraguayan government proposed
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Montevideo in January of 1811, he i
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Ríos. From there, he continued to
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easoning. 25 They had rejected the
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military headquarters along the ban
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sovereignty rooted in borderlands p
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Artigas’ defeat did not spell the
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economy. By 1822, the powerful merc
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universal laws that would further r
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Pedro abdicated the throne in 1831,
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CHAPTER 2 THE (RE)EMERGENCE OF BORD
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operate throughout the borderlands
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and staple exports instead of the o
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Ríos in particular witnessed a dra
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goods as far north as the cities of
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simmering struggles. By 1840, local
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merchants, traders and landowners.
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earning the faction’s colorado ti
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Guarch’s deal with Carvalho revea
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web of reciprocal relationships tha
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the border in Brazil. In this way,
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In short, over the course of a deca
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that he had employed to first arran
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opposite direction from Porto Alegr
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Pinto sought to have the property d
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dealings with Vázquez and the Carv
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Ríos or by ship to Montero’s out
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alliances with the blancos to open
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connections up and down the river t
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With his money now in limbo and his
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honorable merchant. His associates
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meant more than establishing a docu
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Uruguaiana and Salto. 80 Chaves and
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complex laws “that they only unde
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were considered suspect, particular
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status. Public recognition of one
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They reasoned that “one has to re
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unanimous and respected testimony o
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powerful figures like Urquiza, depe
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CHAPTER 3 SOVEREIGN CONFLICTS THE R
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conflicts between peripheral ranche
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further agreed to provide payments
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Sosa almost immediately responded.
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funds, the imperial government took
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Throughout the early 1830s, the Uru
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Fernandes Braga, the provincial pre
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Frustrated by the lack of progress,
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cataloguing illegal property confis
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also provided prominent local elite
Page 149 and 150: As the 1850s dawned, the persistent
Page 151 and 152: traffic along the Uruguay. Rosas fi
Page 153 and 154: would order, they intend to be resp
Page 155 and 156: economic and political relationship
Page 157 and 158: fed back into broader political dis
Page 159 and 160: advance their visions for a new nat
Page 161 and 162: Estado Oriental and had fought at C
Page 163 and 164: Brazilian officials opened secret n
Page 165 and 166: The 1855 occupation reinvigorated e
Page 167 and 168: end political violence in the inter
Page 169 and 170: important) but also dealt with defi
Page 171 and 172: Ribeiros, Prado Lima possessed land
Page 173 and 174: move to Alegrete were unclear. Duri
Page 175 and 176: verification of filings in his foru
Page 177 and 178: “intimate friend and relative.”
Page 179 and 180: men. They were capable of protectin
Page 181 and 182: Nolasco and Vianna responded that t
Page 183 and 184: in 1834. Joaquim dos Santos Prado L
Page 185 and 186: Vital de Oliveira, securing his ele
Page 187 and 188: controlled the appointment of distr
Page 189 and 190: military control. By engaging in th
Page 191 and 192: faction’s strength. In particular
Page 193 and 194: mattered greatly to their own power
Page 195 and 196: the parties and the public, with ea
Page 197 and 198: matter, he was an outsider. Tristan
Page 199: Tristani then attempted to attack h
Page 203 and 204: throughout the country that his wor
Page 205 and 206: his wife. He claimed that she “wa
Page 207 and 208: and the titles of each litigant in
Page 209 and 210: judgment declaring their rival’s
Page 211 and 212: CHAPTER 5 POLITICAL POWER AND PROPE
Page 213 and 214: property of Joaquim dos Santos Prad
Page 215 and 216: acknowledged by both court and poss
Page 217 and 218: Paulo, Sá Brito was one of the few
Page 219 and 220: Teixeira claimed that Prado Lima ha
Page 221 and 222: the trial court’s judgment. The c
Page 223 and 224: lands in question in 1833. The cour
Page 225 and 226: The appearance of testimony by Prad
Page 227 and 228: of cattle from the da Silva’s lan
Page 229 and 230: [Lima] contracted with an untrained
Page 231 and 232: that department, Colonel Diego Lama
Page 233 and 234: vizinho” in Alegrete’s courts o
Page 235 and 236: Brigadier Don David Canavarro . . .
Page 237 and 238: assistance, Garces won her case aga
Page 239 and 240: Brazil. Berro ended a decade of fre
Page 241 and 242: coexistence of these provincial and
Page 243 and 244: Urquiza’s efforts to placate his
Page 245 and 246: and elites now supported Urquiza’
Page 247 and 248: province within the national framew
Page 249 and 250: porteño cavalry at Cepeda and Pav
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The correntino merchants responded
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assembling witnesses (in this case,
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etween himself and Abendaño, howev
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complete the exchange, however, Bic
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side sought to dictate the distribu
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Bica had used commercial and politi
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The incident also revealed how impe
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positioned the Ribeiro faction to g
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Borderlands inhabitants in the earl
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neatly encapsulated the ongoing con
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for Brazilian ranchers. In the best
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anchers operating throughout the bo
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Brazilian slave laws followed them
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familial connections on the Brazili
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defined their respective places in
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supply his troops. 26 By the time o
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Brazilian masters that resulted in
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pursue further rights. They would p
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in the Estado Oriental. At the hear
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was also a personal enemy of Canaba
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part of a broader narrative of conf
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anything, Orientales.” 56 Gomez
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anchers, like that of local Uruguay
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“complete proof of oriental natio
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Uruguayan notaries. These included
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Republic over issues of rivertine t
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his cattle in 1858. 79 Recall also
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of warfare in the borderlands furth
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In effect, he hoped to exchange loy
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guarantee their commercial relation
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governments in Montevideo and Brazi
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nineteen in the provincial militia
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authority to contain the more radic
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captured the city of Corrientes. To
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Urquiza struggled to reorganize his
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attle in March of 1870. 29 By the e
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The national government sent an “
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the reciprocal trading relationship
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splintered into “traditional” a
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country’s ranching elites. In res
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these absurd and unwarranted charge
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protect “the development of those
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police forces to better protect cat
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conspiracies, the steady stream of
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matter was overblown and that repor
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CHAPTER 8 NEGOTIATING NATIONS ALTHO
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Local Legal Practices and National
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pointed link between the “honor
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personal interests, Guarch’s fact
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Guarch first sought to tip the scal
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following the order designated by t
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history in 1877. 24 Salto’s first
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twenty-five peso fine. 29 Leal prom
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serves?” 36 He continued: “Does
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abuses “no doubt flowed from the
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political allegiances. Within the f
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Operating within this relationship,
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By the dawn of the 1880s, national
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ejected this evidence, however, fin
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with his son-in-law Alexander da Cr
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not only to affirm these local find
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olster the positions of important l
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CONCLUSION IN 1887, THE GREAT URUGU
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elationships and secure local court
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economies to the forces of global c
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ARGENTINA ARCHIVES CONSULTED BIBLIO
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PUBLISHED PRIMARY AND SECONDARY MAT
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Cárcano, Ramón J. Guerra del Para
Page 387 and 388:
Flores, Mariana Flores da Cunha Tho
Page 389 and 390:
Lasso, Marixa. Myths of Harmony: Ra
Page 391 and 392:
Piccolo, Helga I. L. "A Política R
Page 393 and 394:
Schultz, Kirsten. Tropical Versaill
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