“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...

“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ... “MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...

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a district judge in Alegrete in 1865 signaled his and the Liberals’ definitive triumph over the Ribeiros and the progressistas in Alegrete. 74 Canabarro and his party of new, ideologically focused Liberals would dominate Rio Grande do Sul’s politics for the next two decades until the collapse of the empire in 1889. The increasing assertiveness of the borderlands Brazilian Liberals did not escape the notice of the imperial government. With the decade-long Farrapos Rebellion still a recent memory, imperial officials had good reason to believe that growing tensions in the borderlands could produce renewed civil war. At the same time, the complaints of prominent borderland ranchers and committed Liberals like Antonio Souza Netto about persistent violations of Brazilian property rights in the borderlands, particularly at the hands of coercive blanco officials in the Estado Oriental, flowed across the desks of bureaucrats in Porto Alegre and Rio de Janeiro. In connection with Netto’s claims, a newspaper from Rio Grande do Sul declared: “if nationality does not suffice so that our compatriots’ interests are respected, it is worth nothing.” 75 Imperial officials now found it necessary to again focus their attention on conflicts around property rights and across national boundaries along its southern borders. Over the course of the 1850s, Alegrete experienced nearly constant factional fighting to control the administration of justice in the town. The intensity of these struggles reflected the nature of borderlands legalities and their vital importance to defining one’s social standing and personal power in a tumultuous world. Judicial officials like Teixeira and Amaral, as well as military officers and landowners like the Ribeiros and Canabarro spent substantial resources to control the courts and to secure success in litigation because it 























































 74 CV-3454 (February 15, 1865). 75 Barrán, Apogeo y Crisis, 84. 
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mattered greatly to their own power. Through these conflicts, they also sharpened factional allegiances. Ultimately, law and violence in the Brazilian borderlands proved too deeply entangled to permit the formation of elite coalitions to end political struggles. State leaders would have to solve the problem of order in the borderlands by working within these factional conflicts over law, not by trying to suppress them. The Factional Theater of Salto, Uruguay Leaders like Berro and Lamas had hoped to resolve the persistent problems of order in the borderlands through the creation of national identities and the extension of respect for the law. In doing so, they equally aimed to extend the authority of coastal elites over the borderlands and tame the factional divisions that threatened the Uruguayan Republic’s sovereignty. However, as we saw in Alegrete, struggles over borderlands courts meant that instead of fostering national identities, legal politics engendered ever-sharpening factional divisions. Fusionist efforts to suppress political rivalries in the borderlands faltered as they encountered alternative legalities premised on local control of the courthouse. The persistent clashes to control borderlands legalities reflected the deeply entangled nature of law and violence in local fora and the difficulties states would face to control both. In Salto, these fault lines proved particularly pronounced over questions of personal reputations. Much like Alegrete, Salto was extremely prosperous in the 1850s. The port city took advantage of its strategic location at a portage point around the Uruguay River’s twin falls (thus, the town’s name “salto” or falls) to control much of the region’s rivertine trade at mid-century. In addition, Salto’s jurisdiction extended across the entire northern portion of the Estado Oriental, encompassing the rich pastures that formed the heart of the borderland’s ranching economy. The booming trade on both sides of the Uruguayan and Brazilian border produced numerous economic and political alliances whose lifeblood was 
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a district judge in Alegrete in 1865 signaled his and the Liberals’ definitive triumph over the<br />

Ribeiros and the progressistas in Alegrete. 74 Canabarro and his party of new, ideologically<br />

focused Liberals would dominate Rio Grande do Sul’s politics for the next two decades until<br />

the collapse of the empire in 1889.<br />

The increasing assertiveness of the borderlands Brazilian Liberals did not escape the<br />

notice of the imperial government. With the decade-long Farrapos Rebellion still a recent<br />

memory, imperial officials had good reason to believe that growing tensions in the<br />

borderlands could produce renewed civil war. At the same time, the complaints of<br />

prominent borderland ranchers and committed Liberals like Antonio Souza Netto about<br />

persistent violations of Brazilian property rights in the borderlands, particularly at the hands<br />

of coercive blanco officials in the Estado Oriental, flowed across the desks of bureaucrats in<br />

Porto Alegre and Rio de Janeiro. In connection with Netto’s claims, a newspaper from Rio<br />

Grande do Sul declared: “if nationality does not suffice so that our compatriots’ interests are<br />

respected, it is worth nothing.” 75 Imperial officials now found it necessary to again focus<br />

their attention on conflicts around property rights and across national boundaries along its<br />

southern borders.<br />

Over the course of the 1850s, Alegrete experienced nearly constant factional fighting<br />

to control the administration of justice in the town. The intensity of these struggles reflected<br />

the nature of borderlands legalities and their vital importance to defining one’s social<br />

standing and personal power in a tumultuous world. Judicial officials like Teixeira and<br />

Amaral, as well as military officers and landowners like the Ribeiros and Canabarro spent<br />

substantial resources to control the courts and to secure success in litigation because it<br />

























































<br />

74 CV-3454 (February 15, 1865).<br />

75 Barrán, Apogeo y Crisis, 84.<br />


 182
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