“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...
“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ... “MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...
merchants. Dória then argued that Amaral “was the leader of this small and discredited band, or faction, whose stripe does not possess the slightest glimpse of love of justice, probity or generosity.” Not surprisingly, the Alegrete court agreed, citing Vianna for abuse of office. 50 In doing so, the Ribeiros, through Teixeira, continued to challenge Amaral, Prado Lima and their allies throughout the western borderlands, accusing them of corruption and lawlessness at every turn. Conversely, with each legal decision, the Ribeiros further established their claim to be the sole source for justice and legal rights in Alegrete’s comarca. The Ribeiros’ ability to control the Alegrete courts and use them against their factional rivals throughout the borderlands permitted them to consolidate their wealth and power in the town by serving as the protectors of the personal reputations and reciprocal relationships of their allies. In short, the court was an invaluable resource in securing their place as the lynchpin of the system of borderlands legalities that defined Alegrete’s commercial and political life. The obvious power flowing from the control of Alegrete’s courts, however, equally made it a tempting target for other elites along the border. By the late 1850s, the Ribeiros’ dominant judicial position in Alegrete was under assault from another important borderlands figure with ties to Prado Lima and his allies, David Canabarro. Prior to the Farrapos Rebellion, Canabarro was a rancher and merchant in Santana do Livramento along the Uruguayan border. Through his modest commercial operations, Canabarro had developed a number of political and personal ties in Alegrete, particularly with the Prado Lima family. The Prado Limas had assisted Canabarro in setting up a commercial partnership in the town 50 Ibid. 172
in 1834. Joaquim dos Santos Prado Lima had also supported Canabarro’s entry into the town’s Masonic lodge in 1841. 51 With the outbreak of the Farrapos Rebellion, Canabarro joined the rebel army. He rose through the ranks to become the head of insurrectionary forces by the end of the conflict. After the rebels’ ultimate defeat in 1845, Canabarro remained in the army. He returned to his home in Santana do Livramento to serve as the region’s frontier military commander. Canabarro used the prestige of his military command to expand his commercial interests. He also acquired considerable property around the border town. In addition, Canabarro led a division in the 1851 Brazilian invasion of the Estado Oriental. This further enhanced his connections across the border, particularly with the colorado faction. By the mid-1850s, Canabarro had become one of the most prominent military and commercial figures in the Brazilian borderlands. 52 Canabarro’s position as a frontier military commander offered him an important mechanism to influence elections in Alegrete by ensuring that soldiers under his command backed his chosen candidates. Much like Teixeira situated himself in an intermediary position between local politics and the state though his legal practice, military commanders like Canabarro could equally operate as intermediaries between the central government and the local population through their military office. As Luís Farinatti described in his study of elite strategies for maintaining their power in the Brazilian borderlands, military commanders like Canabarro and Bento Manoel Ribeiro could utilize their positions to secure the service of the local population in exchange for protection. 53 In turn, the ability of borderlands elites to call upon progressively larger segments of the population for military service conveyed on 51 Caggiani, David Canabarro, 33-34, 97. 52 Ibid., 153-57. 53 Farinatti, "Confins Meridionais", 169-81. 173
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merchants. Dória then argued that Amaral “was the leader of this small and discredited<br />
band, or faction, whose stripe does not possess the slightest glimpse of love of justice,<br />
probity or generosity.” Not surprisingly, the Alegrete court agreed, citing Vianna for abuse<br />
of office. 50<br />
In doing so, the Ribeiros, through Teixeira, continued to challenge Amaral, Prado<br />
Lima and their allies throughout the western borderlands, accusing them of corruption and<br />
lawlessness at every turn. Conversely, with each legal decision, the Ribeiros further<br />
established their claim to be the sole source for justice and legal rights in Alegrete’s comarca.<br />
The Ribeiros’ ability to control the Alegrete courts and use them against their factional rivals<br />
throughout the borderlands permitted them to consolidate their wealth and power in the<br />
town by serving as the protectors of the personal reputations and reciprocal relationships of<br />
their allies. In short, the court was an invaluable resource in securing their place as the<br />
lynchpin of the system of borderlands legalities that defined Alegrete’s commercial and<br />
political life.<br />
The obvious power flowing from the control of Alegrete’s courts, however, equally<br />
made it a tempting target for other elites along the border. By the late 1850s, the Ribeiros’<br />
dominant judicial position in Alegrete was under assault from another important borderlands<br />
figure with ties to Prado Lima and his allies, David Canabarro. Prior to the Farrapos<br />
Rebellion, Canabarro was a rancher and merchant in Santana do Livramento along the<br />
Uruguayan border. Through his modest commercial operations, Canabarro had developed a<br />
number of political and personal ties in Alegrete, particularly with the Prado Lima family.<br />
The Prado Limas had assisted Canabarro in setting up a commercial partnership in the town<br />
<br />
50 Ibid.<br />
172 <br />