“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...
“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ... “MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...
struggled to hold the empire together as it enacted economic and political reforms. Renewed violence in the southern borderlands was out of the question. 20 With the empire’s stability very much in doubt, the Regency’s new leaders were particularly alarmed by the growing connections between Lavalleja and Rosas. Upon crossing the border, Lavalleja had in fact immigrated to Buenos Aires to secure federalist support for a renewed campaign against Rivera. Seeking to avoid becoming further embroiled in the Río de la Plata’s struggles, the Brazilian government adopted a position of strict neutrality in Uruguayan affairs. Consistent with this policy, it again ordered Gonçalves to cease sheltering and disband Lavalleja’s small army. The growing rift between imperial policy and Gonçalves’ personal interests in maintaining his political allegiances across the border, in no small part to bolster his substantial economic interests throughout the borderlands, threatened to boil over. Desperate to avoid renewed warfare along its southern periphery, officials in Rio de Janeiro summoned Gonçalves to the capital in an effort to reduce tensions in late 1833. While Gonçalves maintained his loyalty to the emperor, accusations of treason continued to poison the waters. For the moment, the weak imperial government managed to preclude an open break largely by guaranteeing Gonçalves autonomy in his command along the border. The deepening tensions with figures like Gonçalves, however, continued to reflect the underlying conflicts between borderlands identities and efforts from imperial and national cores to impose boundaries on cross-border relationships and allegiances. By 1834, the strains between the Brazilian empire and the inhabitants in its southern borderlands had finally proved too great to avoid a direct confrontation. In April, Antônio 20 For a general overview of the Regency period, see Paulo Pereira Castro, "A Experiéncia Republicana, 1831-1840," in História Geral da Civilização Brasileira, ed. Sergio Buarque de Holanda (São Paulo: Difusão Européia do Livro, 1963-1972). 130
Fernandes Braga, the provincial president, accused Gonçalves of conspiring to incorporate Rio Grande do Sul into the Uruguayan Republic. Braga then attempted to strip Gonçalves of his command. At the same time, Braga also removed Bento Manoel Ribeiro from his frontier command around Alegrete for likewise violating imperial mandates by openly aiding Fructuoso Rivera. Ribeiro’s own activities linked up closely to the commercial chains established by Agustín Guarch and others from Montevideo across the borderlands to Alegrete and Uruguaiana. Braga threatened to undermine the entire reciprocal system of which Rivera and Ribeiro were key participants. In effect, Braga’s actions towards Gonçalves and Ribeiro amounted to an open invitation to revolt. The two commanders rallied support throughout the borderlands. In 1835, they marched on Porto Alegre, taking the provincial capital on 20 September 1835. They quickly deposed Braga and requested that the imperial government appoint a new president. The Farrapos Revolution was underway. 21 The initial movements against Braga ostensibly aimed only to end the abuses of his administration. This included restoring the relative autonomy of borderlands commanders like Ribeiro and Gonçalves to conduct their cross-border economic and political operations without undue interference from provincial or imperial officials. Even at this stage, the Regency government in Rio de Janeiro moved to placate the rebels by appointing a new provincial president, José de Araújo Ribeiro, with substantial ties to the borderlands. 21 The literature on the Farrapos Revolution is truly vast. Important works include Alfredo Varela, Historia da Grande Revolução: O Cyclo Farroupilha no Brasil (Porto Alegre: Oficinas Graficas da Livraria do Globo, 1933), Varela, Revoluções Cisplatinas e Republica Riograndense, Padoin, Federalismo Gaúcho, Helga Piccolo, Décio Freitas, José Hildebrando Dacanal, Margaret Marchiori Bakos, Sandra Pesavento, and Spencer Leitman, ed. A Revolução Farroupilha: História e Interpretação (Porto Alegre: Mercado Aberto, 1985), Dante de Laytano, História da República Rio-Grandense (1835-1845), 2d ed. (Porto Alegre: Ed. Globo, 1983), Moacyr Flores, Modelo Político dos Farrapos: As Idéias Políticas da Revolução Farroupilha (Porto Alegre: Editora Mercado Aberto, 1978). 131
- Page 89 and 90: web of reciprocal relationships tha
- Page 91 and 92: the border in Brazil. In this way,
- Page 93 and 94: In short, over the course of a deca
- Page 95 and 96: that he had employed to first arran
- Page 97 and 98: opposite direction from Porto Alegr
- Page 99 and 100: Pinto sought to have the property d
- Page 101 and 102: dealings with Vázquez and the Carv
- Page 103 and 104: Ríos or by ship to Montero’s out
- Page 105 and 106: alliances with the blancos to open
- Page 107 and 108: connections up and down the river t
- Page 109 and 110: With his money now in limbo and his
- Page 111 and 112: honorable merchant. His associates
- Page 113 and 114: meant more than establishing a docu
- Page 115 and 116: Uruguaiana and Salto. 80 Chaves and
- Page 117 and 118: complex laws “that they only unde
- Page 119 and 120: were considered suspect, particular
- Page 121 and 122: status. Public recognition of one
- Page 123 and 124: They reasoned that “one has to re
- Page 125 and 126: unanimous and respected testimony o
- Page 127 and 128: powerful figures like Urquiza, depe
- Page 129 and 130: CHAPTER 3 SOVEREIGN CONFLICTS THE R
- Page 131 and 132: conflicts between peripheral ranche
- Page 133 and 134: further agreed to provide payments
- Page 135 and 136: Sosa almost immediately responded.
- Page 137 and 138: funds, the imperial government took
- Page 139: Throughout the early 1830s, the Uru
- Page 143 and 144: Frustrated by the lack of progress,
- Page 145 and 146: cataloguing illegal property confis
- Page 147 and 148: also provided prominent local elite
- Page 149 and 150: As the 1850s dawned, the persistent
- Page 151 and 152: traffic along the Uruguay. Rosas fi
- Page 153 and 154: would order, they intend to be resp
- Page 155 and 156: economic and political relationship
- Page 157 and 158: fed back into broader political dis
- Page 159 and 160: advance their visions for a new nat
- Page 161 and 162: Estado Oriental and had fought at C
- Page 163 and 164: Brazilian officials opened secret n
- Page 165 and 166: The 1855 occupation reinvigorated e
- Page 167 and 168: end political violence in the inter
- Page 169 and 170: important) but also dealt with defi
- Page 171 and 172: Ribeiros, Prado Lima possessed land
- Page 173 and 174: move to Alegrete were unclear. Duri
- Page 175 and 176: verification of filings in his foru
- Page 177 and 178: “intimate friend and relative.”
- Page 179 and 180: men. They were capable of protectin
- Page 181 and 182: Nolasco and Vianna responded that t
- Page 183 and 184: in 1834. Joaquim dos Santos Prado L
- Page 185 and 186: Vital de Oliveira, securing his ele
- Page 187 and 188: controlled the appointment of distr
- Page 189 and 190: military control. By engaging in th
struggled to hold the empire together as it enacted economic and political reforms.<br />
Renewed violence in the southern borderlands was out of the question. 20<br />
With the empire’s stability very much in doubt, the Regency’s new leaders were<br />
particularly alarmed by the growing connections between Lavalleja and Rosas. Upon<br />
crossing the border, Lavalleja had in fact immigrated to Buenos Aires to secure federalist<br />
support for a renewed campaign against Rivera. Seeking to avoid becoming further<br />
embroiled in the Río de la Plata’s struggles, the Brazilian government adopted a position of<br />
strict neutrality in Uruguayan affairs. Consistent with this policy, it again ordered Gonçalves<br />
to cease sheltering and disband Lavalleja’s small army.<br />
The growing rift between imperial policy and Gonçalves’ personal interests in<br />
maintaining his political allegiances across the border, in no small part to bolster his<br />
substantial economic interests throughout the borderlands, threatened to boil over.<br />
Desperate to avoid renewed warfare along its southern periphery, officials in Rio de Janeiro<br />
summoned Gonçalves to the capital in an effort to reduce tensions in late 1833. While<br />
Gonçalves maintained his loyalty to the emperor, accusations of treason continued to poison<br />
the waters. For the moment, the weak imperial government managed to preclude an open<br />
break largely by guaranteeing Gonçalves autonomy in his command along the border. The<br />
deepening tensions with figures like Gonçalves, however, continued to reflect the underlying<br />
conflicts between borderlands identities and efforts from imperial and national cores to<br />
impose boundaries on cross-border relationships and allegiances.<br />
By 1834, the strains between the Brazilian empire and the inhabitants in its southern<br />
borderlands had finally proved too great to avoid a direct confrontation. In April, Antônio<br />
<br />
20 For a general overview of the Regency period, see Paulo Pereira Castro, "A<br />
Experiéncia Republicana, 1831-1840," in História Geral da Civilização Brasileira, ed. Sergio<br />
Buarque de Holanda (São Paulo: Difusão Européia do Livro, 1963-1972).<br />
130 <br />
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