“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...
“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ... “MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...
complete bad faith, hurries to remove every class of cattle in his possession.” 6 Sosa likely had a point. The court in Cerro Largo certainly had labored to interpret his contractual agreements in a manner designed to protect Tavarez’s rights to move cattle across the border. Local leaders had penned briefs accusing him of violence and implicitly impugning his personal reputation. Sosa probably understood the balance of forces against him. He brought his judicial action away from Cerro Largo’s courts in Montevideo to better his own chances of victory. Tavarez’s political allies out in the borderlands responded aggressively to Sosa’s attempts to shift the case to Montevideo. They did so in a typical borderlands fashion by drawing upon webs of local connections. They secured a guarantee from Hilario Amaro de Silveira, another prominent Brazilian rancher in the region, to compensate Sosa for any cattle he might obtain through his legal action in Montevideo. 7 Amaro’s intervention again reflected the local politics of reciprocity and reputation at the heart of borderlands legalities. By guaranteeing the deposit, Amaro positioned himself to protect order in the countryside and preserve Tavarez’s cross-border trading arrangements. He further could use his prominent local position to blunt any outside interference in the local judicial decision. In short, Tavarez’s problem accorded Amaro the opportunity to manifest his role as a critical figure in maintaining borderlands commercial relationships. By obtaining such a guarantee from Amaro, Tavarez could also publicly manifest his own personal standing in the community by summoning a prominent guarantor of his character. Like in so many other commercial disputes in the borderlands, the case for Tavarez and Amaro was about defining each one’s place within their respective trading and political worlds. 6 Ibid., 17bis. 7 Ibid, 140bis. 124
Sosa almost immediately responded. He filed another petition in Montevideo challenging Tavarez’s proposed deposit. In particular, Sosa argued that the embargo over the disputed assets had to remain in place until the contractual matter could be resolved because any guarantees coming from Cerro Largo were inherently unreliable. In making this argument, Sosa squarely placed the issue of whether Amaro in fact was a vecino of Cerro Largo before the Montevideo court. Sosa argued that Amaro was “an unknown person,” in essence lacking the requisite connections to the local forum. 8 Sosa elaborated that Amaro could not guarantee the debt because “he was a Brazilian citizen whose interests, in addition to being in the countryside, were located so close to the border that they disappear from one day to the next.” 9 He finally noted that if the court accepted any guarantee, the assets needed to be transferred to Montevideo and away from the lawless border and its blurred national boundaries. Tavarez was incredulous. He wrote to the court: Your honor, it is public and notorious and surely your mercy will not ignore that [Amaro] is a substantial landowner and one of the principal hacendados in Cerro Largo, possessing a large fortune consisting primarily of lands populated by considerable herds of cattle sufficient to satisfy the requested financing six times over. 10 Tavarez argued that these possessions, rooted in webs of cross-border commerce, represented the touchstone of vecindad. As proof, Tavarez pointed to fact that Amaro had served as alcalde ordinario in Cerro Largo on numerous occasions. He declared: “If the quality being a Brazilian subject was not an obstacle to fulfill that post, there is even less reason for it to preclude him from serving as a guarantor, even more so when the only thing required of 8 Ibid., 140bis. 9 Ibid., 143. 10 Ibid., 141. 125
- Page 83 and 84: merchants, traders and landowners.
- Page 85 and 86: earning the faction’s colorado ti
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- Page 99 and 100: Pinto sought to have the property d
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- Page 105 and 106: alliances with the blancos to open
- Page 107 and 108: connections up and down the river t
- Page 109 and 110: With his money now in limbo and his
- Page 111 and 112: honorable merchant. His associates
- Page 113 and 114: meant more than establishing a docu
- Page 115 and 116: Uruguaiana and Salto. 80 Chaves and
- Page 117 and 118: complex laws “that they only unde
- Page 119 and 120: were considered suspect, particular
- Page 121 and 122: status. Public recognition of one
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- Page 129 and 130: CHAPTER 3 SOVEREIGN CONFLICTS THE R
- Page 131 and 132: conflicts between peripheral ranche
- Page 133: further agreed to provide payments
- Page 137 and 138: funds, the imperial government took
- Page 139 and 140: Throughout the early 1830s, the Uru
- Page 141 and 142: Fernandes Braga, the provincial pre
- Page 143 and 144: Frustrated by the lack of progress,
- Page 145 and 146: cataloguing illegal property confis
- Page 147 and 148: also provided prominent local elite
- Page 149 and 150: As the 1850s dawned, the persistent
- Page 151 and 152: traffic along the Uruguay. Rosas fi
- Page 153 and 154: would order, they intend to be resp
- Page 155 and 156: economic and political relationship
- Page 157 and 158: fed back into broader political dis
- Page 159 and 160: advance their visions for a new nat
- Page 161 and 162: Estado Oriental and had fought at C
- Page 163 and 164: Brazilian officials opened secret n
- Page 165 and 166: The 1855 occupation reinvigorated e
- Page 167 and 168: end political violence in the inter
- Page 169 and 170: important) but also dealt with defi
- Page 171 and 172: Ribeiros, Prado Lima possessed land
- Page 173 and 174: move to Alegrete were unclear. Duri
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- Page 177 and 178: “intimate friend and relative.”
- Page 179 and 180: men. They were capable of protectin
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complete bad faith, hurries to remove every class of cattle in his possession.” 6 Sosa likely<br />
had a point. The court in Cerro Largo certainly had labored to interpret his contractual<br />
agreements in a manner designed to protect Tavarez’s rights to move cattle across the<br />
border. Local leaders had penned briefs accusing him of violence and implicitly impugning<br />
his personal reputation. Sosa probably understood the balance of forces against him. He<br />
brought his judicial action away from Cerro Largo’s courts in Montevideo to better his own<br />
chances of victory.<br />
Tavarez’s political allies out in the borderlands responded aggressively to Sosa’s<br />
attempts to shift the case to Montevideo. They did so in a typical borderlands fashion by<br />
drawing upon webs of local connections. They secured a guarantee from Hilario Amaro de<br />
Silveira, another prominent Brazilian rancher in the region, to compensate Sosa for any cattle<br />
he might obtain through his legal action in Montevideo. 7 Amaro’s intervention again<br />
reflected the local politics of reciprocity and reputation at the heart of borderlands legalities.<br />
By guaranteeing the deposit, Amaro positioned himself to protect order in the countryside<br />
and preserve Tavarez’s cross-border trading arrangements. He further could use his<br />
prominent local position to blunt any outside interference in the local judicial decision. In<br />
short, Tavarez’s problem accorded Amaro the opportunity to manifest his role as a critical<br />
figure in maintaining borderlands commercial relationships. By obtaining such a guarantee<br />
from Amaro, Tavarez could also publicly manifest his own personal standing in the<br />
community by summoning a prominent guarantor of his character. Like in so many other<br />
commercial disputes in the borderlands, the case for Tavarez and Amaro was about defining<br />
each one’s place within their respective trading and political worlds.<br />
<br />
6 Ibid., 17bis.<br />
7 Ibid, 140bis.<br />
124 <br />