“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...

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was finally resolved through an uneasy truce in 1845, battles between borderlands inhabitants and coastal elites shifted to Uruguay. Blanco leaders similarly attempted to regulate borderlands relationships in the name of new national interests by ultimately prohibiting the export of declining cattle herds to Brazil. In response, aggrieved riograndense ranchers repeatedly swept across the border to seize their cattle and undermine blanco efforts to erect divisions between themselves and their vast pasturelands in the small republic’s northern reaches. By 1850, the prolonged conflicts in Uruguay’s northern borderlands converged with growing resistance in the Argentine Littoral to porteño efforts to reassert their control over the Río de la Plata’s rivertine trade. These disputes culminated in the 1852 campaign by Urquiza, the powerful merchant and general, to defeat Rosas. His triumph over Rosas at the battle of Caseros reflected the power of peripheral inhabitants to resist would-be state borders and national laws. The victory by Urquiza’s peripheral coalition ushered in a new conjecture in the sovereign conflicts between coastal elites and the inhabitants of Río de la Plata’s contested borderlands. Each side would continue to labor to forge the terms of a more permanent political order – one that remained frustratingly elusive. Revolutions in the Brazilian Borderlands Almost before the ink had dried on the 1828 treaty between Argentina and Brazil establishing the newly independent Uruguayan Republic, tensions emerged over the erection of a national boundary dividing the eastern borderlands. The three-year Uruguayan conflict and the subsequent loss of the Cisplatine Province had devastated many riograndense ranchers on both sides of the border. Many lost valuable pasturelands outright. Perhaps more importantly, Brazilians faced the loss of access to remaining Uruguayan herds. The economic dislocations resulting from Uruguay’s independence produced growing political   120   
conflicts between peripheral ranchers and the empire. Brazilians in the borderlands already blamed imperial incompetence for the defeat. As the ranching elites in Rio Grande do Sul’s western campanha deployed borderlands legalities to forge a new basis for commercial prosperity, they again clashed with more centralized notions of imperial and national sovereignty emanating from Rio de Janeiro and Montevideo. These ever-deepening fault lines eventually erupted in a massive revolution that threatened the fragile unity of the Brazilian empire. 1 The defeated Brazilian ranchers did not remain passive in the face of the 1828 division of their borderlands world. As we saw in the last chapter, they almost immediately began to forge commercial and political linkages across the Uruguayan border in order to reestablish their ranching operations. Men like Agustín Guarch served as important intermediaries by securing property for their Brazilian allies and establishing reciprocal economic and political linkages that provided a vital source of order. These relationships revolved around borderlands courthouses. There, litigants drew upon traditional juridical concepts like vecindad to secure legal rights and cement commercial and political allegiances. Because borderlands legalities were simultaneously integrated and local, they necessarily hinged upon open borders and flexible identities that were frequently at odds with putative national categories. As Maria Padoin pointed out, Brazilian ranchers in this period “sought to avoid imperial and Uruguayan orientations, providing continuity to struggles for free passage” across the border. 2 The movement of Brazilian ranchers back into the newly created Estado Oriental repeatedly triggered conflicts between state-centered legal norms and borderlands legalities                                                          1 Leitman, Raízes. 2 Padoin, Federalismo Gaúcho, 82.   121   
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“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDING
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ABSTRACT This dissertation explores
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TABLE OF CONTENTS ABSTRACT iii ACKN
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Like the wandering
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Upon returning to the United States
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INTRODUCTION IN EARLY 1828, A FRENC
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Juan Manuel de Rosas and Facundo Qu
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By moving between stories of law an
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in the continental interior. They d
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the fluid character of borderlands
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and geographic conceptions. Extendi
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local legal norms and practices in
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that has greatly expanded the space
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along rivertine trading corridors.
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strains articulated by men like Art
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Bringing the courts back into the s
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of borderlands leaders to negotiate
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Removing the old colonial order, ho
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the city remained a sparsely popula
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smugglers and other imperial outlaw
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Imperial Collapse and Fragmentation
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ivers, deserts and a few vagrant an
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defend its possessions, peninsular
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They requested that the Junta appoi
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manufactured products for the Andea
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The Paraguayan government proposed
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Montevideo in January of 1811, he i
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Ríos. From there, he continued to
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easoning. 25 They had rejected the
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military headquarters along the ban
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sovereignty rooted in borderlands p
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Artigas’ defeat did not spell the
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economy. By 1822, the powerful merc
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universal laws that would further r
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Pedro abdicated the throne in 1831,
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CHAPTER 2 THE (RE)EMERGENCE OF BORD
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operate throughout the borderlands
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and staple exports instead of the o
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Ríos in particular witnessed a dra
Page 79 and 80: goods as far north as the cities of
Page 81 and 82: simmering struggles. By 1840, local
Page 83 and 84: merchants, traders and landowners.
Page 85 and 86: earning the faction’s colorado ti
Page 87 and 88: Guarch’s deal with Carvalho revea
Page 89 and 90: web of reciprocal relationships tha
Page 91 and 92: the border in Brazil. In this way,
Page 93 and 94: In short, over the course of a deca
Page 95 and 96: that he had employed to first arran
Page 97 and 98: opposite direction from Porto Alegr
Page 99 and 100: Pinto sought to have the property d
Page 101 and 102: dealings with Vázquez and the Carv
Page 103 and 104: Ríos or by ship to Montero’s out
Page 105 and 106: alliances with the blancos to open
Page 107 and 108: connections up and down the river t
Page 109 and 110: With his money now in limbo and his
Page 111 and 112: honorable merchant. His associates
Page 113 and 114: meant more than establishing a docu
Page 115 and 116: Uruguaiana and Salto. 80 Chaves and
Page 117 and 118: complex laws “that they only unde
Page 119 and 120: were considered suspect, particular
Page 121 and 122: status. Public recognition of one
Page 123 and 124: They reasoned that “one has to re
Page 125 and 126: unanimous and respected testimony o
Page 127 and 128: powerful figures like Urquiza, depe
Page 129: CHAPTER 3 SOVEREIGN CONFLICTS THE R
Page 133 and 134: further agreed to provide payments
Page 135 and 136: Sosa almost immediately responded.
Page 137 and 138: funds, the imperial government took
Page 139 and 140: Throughout the early 1830s, the Uru
Page 141 and 142: Fernandes Braga, the provincial pre
Page 143 and 144: Frustrated by the lack of progress,
Page 145 and 146: cataloguing illegal property confis
Page 147 and 148: also provided prominent local elite
Page 149 and 150: As the 1850s dawned, the persistent
Page 151 and 152: traffic along the Uruguay. Rosas fi
Page 153 and 154: would order, they intend to be resp
Page 155 and 156: economic and political relationship
Page 157 and 158: fed back into broader political dis
Page 159 and 160: advance their visions for a new nat
Page 161 and 162: Estado Oriental and had fought at C
Page 163 and 164: Brazilian officials opened secret n
Page 165 and 166: The 1855 occupation reinvigorated e
Page 167 and 168: end political violence in the inter
Page 169 and 170: important) but also dealt with defi
Page 171 and 172: Ribeiros, Prado Lima possessed land
Page 173 and 174: move to Alegrete were unclear. Duri
Page 175 and 176: verification of filings in his foru
Page 177 and 178: “intimate friend and relative.”
Page 179 and 180: men. They were capable of protectin
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Nolasco and Vianna responded that t
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in 1834. Joaquim dos Santos Prado L
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Vital de Oliveira, securing his ele
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controlled the appointment of distr
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military control. By engaging in th
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faction’s strength. In particular
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mattered greatly to their own power
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the parties and the public, with ea
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matter, he was an outsider. Tristan
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Tristani then attempted to attack h
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litigation in Alegrete, questions o
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throughout the country that his wor
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his wife. He claimed that she “wa
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and the titles of each litigant in
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judgment declaring their rival’s
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CHAPTER 5 POLITICAL POWER AND PROPE
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property of Joaquim dos Santos Prad
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acknowledged by both court and poss
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Paulo, Sá Brito was one of the few
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Teixeira claimed that Prado Lima ha
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the trial court’s judgment. The c
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lands in question in 1833. The cour
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The appearance of testimony by Prad
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of cattle from the da Silva’s lan
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[Lima] contracted with an untrained
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that department, Colonel Diego Lama
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vizinho” in Alegrete’s courts o
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Brigadier Don David Canavarro . . .
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assistance, Garces won her case aga
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Brazil. Berro ended a decade of fre
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coexistence of these provincial and
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Urquiza’s efforts to placate his
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and elites now supported Urquiza’
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province within the national framew
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porteño cavalry at Cepeda and Pav
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The correntino merchants responded
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assembling witnesses (in this case,
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etween himself and Abendaño, howev
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complete the exchange, however, Bic
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side sought to dictate the distribu
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Bica had used commercial and politi
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The incident also revealed how impe
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positioned the Ribeiro faction to g
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Borderlands inhabitants in the earl
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neatly encapsulated the ongoing con
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for Brazilian ranchers. In the best
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anchers operating throughout the bo
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Brazilian slave laws followed them
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familial connections on the Brazili
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defined their respective places in
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supply his troops. 26 By the time o
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Brazilian masters that resulted in
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pursue further rights. They would p
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in the Estado Oriental. At the hear
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was also a personal enemy of Canaba
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part of a broader narrative of conf
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anything, Orientales.” 56 Gomez
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anchers, like that of local Uruguay
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“complete proof of oriental natio
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Uruguayan notaries. These included
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Republic over issues of rivertine t
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his cattle in 1858. 79 Recall also
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of warfare in the borderlands furth
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In effect, he hoped to exchange loy
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guarantee their commercial relation
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governments in Montevideo and Brazi
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nineteen in the provincial militia
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authority to contain the more radic
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captured the city of Corrientes. To
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Urquiza struggled to reorganize his
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attle in March of 1870. 29 By the e
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The national government sent an “
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the reciprocal trading relationship
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splintered into “traditional” a
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country’s ranching elites. In res
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these absurd and unwarranted charge
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protect “the development of those
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police forces to better protect cat
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conspiracies, the steady stream of
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matter was overblown and that repor
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CHAPTER 8 NEGOTIATING NATIONS ALTHO
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Local Legal Practices and National
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pointed link between the “honor
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personal interests, Guarch’s fact
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Guarch first sought to tip the scal
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following the order designated by t
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history in 1877. 24 Salto’s first
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twenty-five peso fine. 29 Leal prom
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serves?” 36 He continued: “Does
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abuses “no doubt flowed from the
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political allegiances. Within the f
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Operating within this relationship,
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By the dawn of the 1880s, national
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ejected this evidence, however, fin
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with his son-in-law Alexander da Cr
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not only to affirm these local find
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olster the positions of important l
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CONCLUSION IN 1887, THE GREAT URUGU
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elationships and secure local court
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economies to the forces of global c
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ARGENTINA ARCHIVES CONSULTED BIBLIO
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PUBLISHED PRIMARY AND SECONDARY MAT
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Cárcano, Ramón J. Guerra del Para
Page 387 and 388:
Flores, Mariana Flores da Cunha Tho
Page 389 and 390:
Lasso, Marixa. Myths of Harmony: Ra
Page 391 and 392:
Piccolo, Helga I. L. "A Política R
Page 393 and 394:
Schultz, Kirsten. Tropical Versaill
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