“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...

“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ... “MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...

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economic necessities in the borderlands. As such, these borderlands legalities were simultaneously local and international in scope. By the 1840s, these relationships had congealed into a robust trading system along the Uruguay River and its surrounding borderlands. These chains linked colorados like Guarch and Picant moving along their commercial networks between Montevideo and the upper Uruguay as well as blancos and their federalist allies like Urquiza in the Argentine Littoral together. These mutually reinforcing systems of borderlands trade and legalities prospered because they ignored national divisions and instead emphasized personal and factional connections. As the system developed, the absence of national boundaries became less of a hindrance for the borderlands trade than a precondition for its continued existence. At the same time, problems lurked as the region became more integrated. In particular, the borderlands legalities developed by merchants, landowners and traders to achieve commercial success and political power in the vacuum left by the collapsed colonial order depended explicitly on the blurred boundaries and local autonomy provoked by incessant war. Attempts to impose national boundaries and centralized authority on these practices, therefore, threatened the very underpinnings of the borderlands’ emerging commercial system. As we saw in the Cabral case, the imposition of nationalized legal categories equally challenged localized notions of justice, citizenship and status embodied by concepts like vecindad. By the late 1840s, efforts to reconstitute state-centered authority over the region were underway. New conflicts over borderlands sovereignty loomed 
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CHAPTER 3 SOVEREIGN CONFLICTS THE REACTIVATION OF BORDERLANDS LEGALITIES TO RESOLVE THE PERSISTENT crisis of order in the Río de la Plata’s contested interior had provided one mechanism to sustain trade. As the 1830s progressed, however, the very success of the relationships underpinning the region’s commercial chains began to rub against renewed attempts to impose national legal categories and political boundaries on the interior. In particular, Rosas, the self-proclaimed “restorer of laws,” utilized the expanding export-economy to promote a rival state project in which Buenos Aires retained its monopolistic authority over its putative rivertine hinterlands. European interventions and the continued presence of the old unitarist faction in Montevideo provided a common enemy that temporarily suppressed the sovereign divisions between borderlands legalities and porteño-dominated models. With their political and economic relationships, as well as their personal reputations, rooted in systems premised on cross-border integration and localism, however, borderlands inhabitants would inevitably clash with these efforts to police new borders and impose new, abstract legal categories. These sovereign conflicts between borderlands legalities and more state-centered forms of government defined the 1830s and 1840s. They produced nearly incessant violence across the Río de la Plata’s borderlands. The eastern borderlands along the Uruguay River once again emerged as the center of these sovereign storms. Here, the creation of the Uruguayan Republic in 1828 produced escalating tensions on both sides of the new national border, particularly among the Brazilian ranching community. Frictions between riograndense ranchers and imperial elites attempting to impose revenue measures on cross-border trade ultimately exploded into a decade-long civil war in 1835. The “Farrapos Revolution,” as the war became known, threatened the very existence of the Brazilian empire. When the conflict 
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CHAPTER 3<br />

SOVEREIGN CONFLICTS<br />

THE REACTIVATION OF BORDERL<strong>AND</strong>S LEGALITIES TO RESOLVE THE PERSISTENT<br />

crisis of order in the Río de la Plata’s contested interior had provided one mechanism to<br />

sustain trade. As the 1830s progressed, however, the very success of the relationships<br />

underpinning the region’s commercial chains began to rub against renewed attempts to<br />

impose national legal categories and political boundaries on the interior. In particular, Rosas,<br />

the self-proclaimed “restorer of laws,” utilized the expanding export-economy to promote a<br />

rival state project in which Buenos Aires retained its monopolistic authority over its putative<br />

rivertine hinterlands. European interventions and the continued presence of the old unitarist<br />

faction in Montevideo provided a common enemy that temporarily suppressed the sovereign<br />

divisions between borderlands legalities and porteño-dominated models. With their political<br />

and economic relationships, as well as their personal reputations, rooted in systems premised<br />

on cross-border integration and localism, however, borderlands inhabitants would inevitably<br />

clash with these efforts to police new borders and impose new, abstract legal categories.<br />

These sovereign conflicts between borderlands legalities and more state-centered<br />

forms of government defined the 1830s and 1840s. They produced nearly incessant violence<br />

across the Río de la Plata’s borderlands. The eastern borderlands along the Uruguay River<br />

once again emerged as the center of these sovereign storms. Here, the creation of the<br />

Uruguayan Republic in 1828 produced escalating tensions on both sides of the new national<br />

border, particularly among the Brazilian ranching community. Frictions between riograndense<br />

ranchers and imperial elites attempting to impose revenue measures on cross-border trade<br />

ultimately exploded into a decade-long civil war in 1835. The “Farrapos Revolution,” as the<br />

war became known, threatened the very existence of the Brazilian empire. When the conflict<br />


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