“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...
“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ... “MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...
economic necessities in the borderlands. As such, these borderlands legalities were simultaneously local and international in scope. By the 1840s, these relationships had congealed into a robust trading system along the Uruguay River and its surrounding borderlands. These chains linked colorados like Guarch and Picant moving along their commercial networks between Montevideo and the upper Uruguay as well as blancos and their federalist allies like Urquiza in the Argentine Littoral together. These mutually reinforcing systems of borderlands trade and legalities prospered because they ignored national divisions and instead emphasized personal and factional connections. As the system developed, the absence of national boundaries became less of a hindrance for the borderlands trade than a precondition for its continued existence. At the same time, problems lurked as the region became more integrated. In particular, the borderlands legalities developed by merchants, landowners and traders to achieve commercial success and political power in the vacuum left by the collapsed colonial order depended explicitly on the blurred boundaries and local autonomy provoked by incessant war. Attempts to impose national boundaries and centralized authority on these practices, therefore, threatened the very underpinnings of the borderlands’ emerging commercial system. As we saw in the Cabral case, the imposition of nationalized legal categories equally challenged localized notions of justice, citizenship and status embodied by concepts like vecindad. By the late 1840s, efforts to reconstitute state-centered authority over the region were underway. New conflicts over borderlands sovereignty loomed 118
CHAPTER 3 SOVEREIGN CONFLICTS THE REACTIVATION OF BORDERLANDS LEGALITIES TO RESOLVE THE PERSISTENT crisis of order in the Río de la Plata’s contested interior had provided one mechanism to sustain trade. As the 1830s progressed, however, the very success of the relationships underpinning the region’s commercial chains began to rub against renewed attempts to impose national legal categories and political boundaries on the interior. In particular, Rosas, the self-proclaimed “restorer of laws,” utilized the expanding export-economy to promote a rival state project in which Buenos Aires retained its monopolistic authority over its putative rivertine hinterlands. European interventions and the continued presence of the old unitarist faction in Montevideo provided a common enemy that temporarily suppressed the sovereign divisions between borderlands legalities and porteño-dominated models. With their political and economic relationships, as well as their personal reputations, rooted in systems premised on cross-border integration and localism, however, borderlands inhabitants would inevitably clash with these efforts to police new borders and impose new, abstract legal categories. These sovereign conflicts between borderlands legalities and more state-centered forms of government defined the 1830s and 1840s. They produced nearly incessant violence across the Río de la Plata’s borderlands. The eastern borderlands along the Uruguay River once again emerged as the center of these sovereign storms. Here, the creation of the Uruguayan Republic in 1828 produced escalating tensions on both sides of the new national border, particularly among the Brazilian ranching community. Frictions between riograndense ranchers and imperial elites attempting to impose revenue measures on cross-border trade ultimately exploded into a decade-long civil war in 1835. The “Farrapos Revolution,” as the war became known, threatened the very existence of the Brazilian empire. When the conflict 119
- Page 77 and 78: Ríos in particular witnessed a dra
- Page 79 and 80: goods as far north as the cities of
- Page 81 and 82: simmering struggles. By 1840, local
- Page 83 and 84: merchants, traders and landowners.
- Page 85 and 86: earning the faction’s colorado ti
- Page 87 and 88: Guarch’s deal with Carvalho revea
- Page 89 and 90: web of reciprocal relationships tha
- Page 91 and 92: the border in Brazil. In this way,
- Page 93 and 94: In short, over the course of a deca
- Page 95 and 96: that he had employed to first arran
- Page 97 and 98: opposite direction from Porto Alegr
- Page 99 and 100: Pinto sought to have the property d
- Page 101 and 102: dealings with Vázquez and the Carv
- Page 103 and 104: Ríos or by ship to Montero’s out
- Page 105 and 106: alliances with the blancos to open
- Page 107 and 108: connections up and down the river t
- Page 109 and 110: With his money now in limbo and his
- Page 111 and 112: honorable merchant. His associates
- Page 113 and 114: meant more than establishing a docu
- Page 115 and 116: Uruguaiana and Salto. 80 Chaves and
- Page 117 and 118: complex laws “that they only unde
- Page 119 and 120: were considered suspect, particular
- Page 121 and 122: status. Public recognition of one
- Page 123 and 124: They reasoned that “one has to re
- Page 125 and 126: unanimous and respected testimony o
- Page 127: powerful figures like Urquiza, depe
- Page 131 and 132: conflicts between peripheral ranche
- Page 133 and 134: further agreed to provide payments
- Page 135 and 136: Sosa almost immediately responded.
- Page 137 and 138: funds, the imperial government took
- Page 139 and 140: Throughout the early 1830s, the Uru
- Page 141 and 142: Fernandes Braga, the provincial pre
- Page 143 and 144: Frustrated by the lack of progress,
- Page 145 and 146: cataloguing illegal property confis
- Page 147 and 148: also provided prominent local elite
- Page 149 and 150: As the 1850s dawned, the persistent
- Page 151 and 152: traffic along the Uruguay. Rosas fi
- Page 153 and 154: would order, they intend to be resp
- Page 155 and 156: economic and political relationship
- Page 157 and 158: fed back into broader political dis
- Page 159 and 160: advance their visions for a new nat
- Page 161 and 162: Estado Oriental and had fought at C
- Page 163 and 164: Brazilian officials opened secret n
- Page 165 and 166: The 1855 occupation reinvigorated e
- Page 167 and 168: end political violence in the inter
- Page 169 and 170: important) but also dealt with defi
- Page 171 and 172: Ribeiros, Prado Lima possessed land
- Page 173 and 174: move to Alegrete were unclear. Duri
- Page 175 and 176: verification of filings in his foru
- Page 177 and 178: “intimate friend and relative.”
CHAPTER 3<br />
SOVEREIGN CONFLICTS<br />
THE REACTIVATION OF BORDERL<strong>AND</strong>S LEGALITIES TO RESOLVE THE PERSISTENT<br />
crisis of order in the Río de la Plata’s contested interior had provided one mechanism to<br />
sustain trade. As the 1830s progressed, however, the very success of the relationships<br />
underpinning the region’s commercial chains began to rub against renewed attempts to<br />
impose national legal categories and political boundaries on the interior. In particular, Rosas,<br />
the self-proclaimed “restorer of laws,” utilized the expanding export-economy to promote a<br />
rival state project in which Buenos Aires retained its monopolistic authority over its putative<br />
rivertine hinterlands. European interventions and the continued presence of the old unitarist<br />
faction in Montevideo provided a common enemy that temporarily suppressed the sovereign<br />
divisions between borderlands legalities and porteño-dominated models. With their political<br />
and economic relationships, as well as their personal reputations, rooted in systems premised<br />
on cross-border integration and localism, however, borderlands inhabitants would inevitably<br />
clash with these efforts to police new borders and impose new, abstract legal categories.<br />
These sovereign conflicts between borderlands legalities and more state-centered<br />
forms of government defined the 1830s and 1840s. They produced nearly incessant violence<br />
across the Río de la Plata’s borderlands. The eastern borderlands along the Uruguay River<br />
once again emerged as the center of these sovereign storms. Here, the creation of the<br />
Uruguayan Republic in 1828 produced escalating tensions on both sides of the new national<br />
border, particularly among the Brazilian ranching community. Frictions between riograndense<br />
ranchers and imperial elites attempting to impose revenue measures on cross-border trade<br />
ultimately exploded into a decade-long civil war in 1835. The “Farrapos Revolution,” as the<br />
war became known, threatened the very existence of the Brazilian empire. When the conflict<br />
119 <br />