“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...
“MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ... “MONSTROUS AND ILLEGAL PROCEEDINGS”: LAW ...
institutions, returning control over them to municipalities. To do this, Chaves sought renewed elections to determine who would control the local administration of justice. He argued that these elections would produce a local government that would pass clear laws in consultation with the values and wishes of “the good men [homens bons] of the town.” 84 In this way, Chaves privileged local knowledge and reputation as important guarantees of good government. Local needs could be met efficiently, municipal offices would possess renewed dignity and respect for law and order could be inculcated from the bottom-up. By stressing the importance of local reputation – the approval of the homens bons – to administration of justice, Chaves also identified important sources for regulating borderlands trading ties. Local judicial institutions and the borderlands legalities underpinning commercial affiliations were intertwined. With the end of Portuguese rule over the Brazilian territories in 1822, Chaves linked local autonomy with his vision for a new virtuous, constitutional monarchy. He continued to point to the importance of local knowledge and reputation in accomplishing the broader ends of empire. The Brazilian reformer stressed that revitalized local institutions would promote both social order and commercial prosperity, laying a solid foundation for this new reign. On the first point, Chaves noted that because of their status in the community, local officials would enjoy the respect of their constituents. Moreover, keenly aware of local needs, they would likely enact virtuous laws, particularly because they also had to live under them. For Chaves, virtuous laws above all meant laws that facilitated commerce. He argued that clear laws, enacted by laymen attendant to local conditions, would be more likely to permit commercial enterprises to flourish. In contrast, distant professional jurists passed 84 Ibid., 39. 106
complex laws “that they only understood to their advantage; they exploit their immunity to them, using the obscurity of the same laws to rob the sweat from our brows.” 85 Chaves dedicated much of the remaining portions of his work to policies designed to foster commerce. In his fourth discourse, he again argued for the promotion of local legal institutions in his native Rio Grande do Sul to facilitate trade. He called for local controls over economic infrastructure. Chaves also argued that provincial legislatures should control the distribution of uncultivated lands. In this sense, he explicitly linked local justice and federalism with the promotion of small landowners, agriculture and economic freedom. Moreover, even if these local institutions failed in their tasks to promote industry and commerce, accountability lay at the local level. Having selected poor leaders, the povo or community “could only blame but themselves and lament that among them it did not possess better citizens.” 86 Writing in the early 1820s before the full collapse of authority throughout the borderlands, Chaves certainly did not envision the absence of centralized governments to watch over the entire system of local justice and trade. However, by linking localized justice, commerce and the law together in his discourses, Chaves did presage the emergence of local courts as the institutional expression of borderlands legalities in the 1830s and 1840s in proceedings like Blanes’ and Vidiella’s. In particular, peripheral courts provided a venue through which traders and landowners could juridically express the personal and factional relationships underpinning their trading ties. As Chaves suggested, obtaining justice in borderlands courtrooms meant mobilizing networks of local connections to vindicate legal rights. In turn, by establishing claims through the public testimony of honorable vecinos – 85 Ibid., 38. 86 Ibid. 107
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complex laws “that they only understood to their advantage; they exploit their immunity to<br />
them, using the obscurity of the same laws to rob the sweat from our brows.” 85<br />
Chaves dedicated much of the remaining portions of his work to policies designed to<br />
foster commerce. In his fourth discourse, he again argued for the promotion of local legal<br />
institutions in his native Rio Grande do Sul to facilitate trade. He called for local controls<br />
over economic infrastructure. Chaves also argued that provincial legislatures should control<br />
the distribution of uncultivated lands. In this sense, he explicitly linked local justice and<br />
federalism with the promotion of small landowners, agriculture and economic freedom.<br />
Moreover, even if these local institutions failed in their tasks to promote industry and<br />
commerce, accountability lay at the local level. Having selected poor leaders, the povo or<br />
community “could only blame but themselves and lament that among them it did not<br />
possess better citizens.” 86<br />
Writing in the early 1820s before the full collapse of authority throughout the<br />
borderlands, Chaves certainly did not envision the absence of centralized governments to<br />
watch over the entire system of local justice and trade. However, by linking localized justice,<br />
commerce and the law together in his discourses, Chaves did presage the emergence of local<br />
courts as the institutional expression of borderlands legalities in the 1830s and 1840s in<br />
proceedings like Blanes’ and Vidiella’s. In particular, peripheral courts provided a venue<br />
through which traders and landowners could juridically express the personal and factional<br />
relationships underpinning their trading ties. As Chaves suggested, obtaining justice in<br />
borderlands courtrooms meant mobilizing networks of local connections to vindicate legal<br />
rights. In turn, by establishing claims through the public testimony of honorable vecinos –<br />
<br />
85 Ibid., 38.<br />
86 Ibid.<br />
107 <br />