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New Europe College Regional Program Yearbook 2001-2002

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NIKOLAI VUKOV<br />

FIG. 6 – VICTORY MONUMENT IN CONSTANÞA (1968), PHOTO: N. VUKOV, <strong>2002</strong>.<br />

Another characteristic of this relationship between the First and the<br />

Second World War utilizations of death can be pointed out. It is actually<br />

a consequence of those characteristics already mentioned. In an insightful<br />

analysis of the ways in which monuments to the dead shape the identity<br />

of the living (Kosellek 1997), R. Kosellek dedicates special attention to<br />

the occurrence of the process of democratization of death which can be<br />

traced in the history of public monuments and reaches a peak in the<br />

monuments to the dead in the First World War.<br />

The equality in death is replaced by equality, which guarantees national<br />

homogeneity: the homogeneity of the living and the survivors. Monuments<br />

are erected by political entities, which mutually demarcate each other.<br />

That is why the function of the monuments to the dead tends to a religion<br />

civile, in the sense meant by Rousseau, and contributes to the foundation<br />

of democratic legitimity (Kosellek 1997: 151).<br />

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