spirit and healing in africa - University of the Free State
spirit and healing in africa - University of the Free State spirit and healing in africa - University of the Free State
4.1.1 History of HIV/AIDS in Africa The inception of the discourse on HIV/AIDS in the African context dates back to the 1980s, the period in which AIDS was discovered and recognized in some African countries. The sudden increase of reported cases without specific symptoms or clearly identifiable physical injuries made epidemiologists realize that they were dealing with a new kind of disastrous epidemic. This stage is usually referred to as the start of the history and the unfolding of the epidemic — even though the proto-history of AIDS actually goes back to the end of the 1950s. Logically, the discovery by epidemiologists determined the HIV/AIDS discourse in a profound way: the epidemiological history of HIV/AIDS was considered the most important factor in the construction of a time frame that was necessary for those battling HIV/AIDS to understand what had happened in the past. The epidemiological periodization of AIDS usually distinguishes three phases: the phase of denial (1980s), the phase of slow and top-down response (beginning of the 1990s), and the current phase that is characterized by a broadened attention to what is happening at the grassroots level combined with a broader outreach to those who need medication, treatment and care. The epidemiological periodization also mirrors the periodization based on national and international responses to HIV/AIDS, whereby this third phase is heavily defined by massive financial injections of global funds and foreign organizations. The construction of a time frame is by definition an artificial and conventionalized arrangement that aims to clarify the matter at stake. In the past few years, the current time frame of the HIV/AIDS discourse has received some criticism from experts of disciplines other than biomedicine. The main reason for their criticism is that the epidemiological periodization reflects a fabricated and somewhat one-sided arrangement of phases of the epidemic. While it is clear that the main focus of epidemiologists has resulted in the construction of a time line that keeps track of the major changes within the HIV/AIDS epidemic, it is also obvious that the dominant time frame does not facilitate a clear view on alternative or additional developments taking place within the history of HIV/AIDS in Africa. In response to the construction of a history of HIV/AIDS in Africa based on an epidemiology, alternative histories have emerged. These have tended to focus on the social and cultural notions of HIV/AIDS in Africa in order to provide a more balanced frame of reference (see for example Kalipeni et.al. 2004; Lwanda 2005; Denis 2006). They tend also to have a more contextual focus: the social actors and authorities are the ones who interpret, situate and respond to the epidemic, so they are the ones who determine the periodization of AIDS. Denis (2006:21) states that the history of AIDS in Africa should not only be based on official levels of HIV prevalence, 96
ut should have narratives and personal experiences from those who are involved in the battle, while at the same time local and regional differences should be taken into consideration. 4.1.2 HIV/AIDS as an African epidemic Although there is no definitive answer to questions like when, where and how HIV came into existence, the origins of HIV are often associated with Africa, based on the concept that zoonotic transfer (the transfer of a virus from animals to human beings), as is generally accepted in scientific and biomedical realms, was the instigator of the HIV epidemic. On the basis of a study lasting ten years, there is strong evidence of a direct link between a specific virus that is found in African chimpanzees (SIVcpz) and the lethal virus HIV-1 in human beings (Gao et.al. 1999; Wolfe et.al. 2004). This link may explain the original source of HIV, but the various theories about how the virus moved from animals to human beings are controversial and still unsolved. However, whether considering the so-called hunter theory (local people hunting and eating chimpanzees), the polio vaccine theory (the vaccine may have been infected by SIVcpz, and subsequently spread among people who were being immunized), the contaminated needle theory (medical interventions were done without sterilized needles in order to bring down the costs), the colonialism theory (working conditions and living circumstances of local people were heavily affected and worsened by colonial forces, resulting in poor health prone to further weakening of the immune system), or the conspiracy theory (HIV was manmade, and aimed to control African politics and economics), all theories presuppose and expand further on the idea of zoonosis taking place somewhere in Central Africa. Despite the general theory of zoonotic transfer from chimpanzees to human beings, there are a substantial number of studies that bring the objectivity of this conclusion into question (see Chirimuuta & Chirimuuta 1989; Kalipeni et.al. 2004:14; Denis 2006:18), or highlight the difficulties that arise with reconstructing the origin and initial spread of HIV: the quest for the origin of HIV focuses on Africa, but a definite answer about the viral leap from animals to man is lacking. Yet this HIV origins reconstruction comes at a high cost for Africa, because it is compatible with discussions of racism and neocolonialism (Craddock 2004:3f). Denis (2006:18) stresses that “the question of the origins of AIDS, although independent of the seriousness of the epidemic in Africa, is ideologically and politically linked to it”. Stereotypic opinions that see Africa as the source of disease and famine, and banal interpretations of Africans as sexually deviant people, still permeate the discourse on HIV/AIDS in Africa (Stillwaggon 2003:809f; Wenham et.al. 2009:290). 97
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4.1.1 History <strong>of</strong> HIV/AIDS <strong>in</strong> Africa<br />
The <strong>in</strong>ception <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> discourse on HIV/AIDS <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> African context dates back to <strong>the</strong> 1980s, <strong>the</strong><br />
period <strong>in</strong> which AIDS was discovered <strong>and</strong> recognized <strong>in</strong> some African countries. The sudden<br />
<strong>in</strong>crease <strong>of</strong> reported cases without specific symptoms or clearly identifiable physical <strong>in</strong>juries<br />
made epidemiologists realize that <strong>the</strong>y were deal<strong>in</strong>g with a new k<strong>in</strong>d <strong>of</strong> disastrous epidemic. This<br />
stage is usually referred to as <strong>the</strong> start <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> history <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> unfold<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> epidemic — even<br />
though <strong>the</strong> proto-history <strong>of</strong> AIDS actually goes back to <strong>the</strong> end <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1950s.<br />
Logically, <strong>the</strong> discovery by epidemiologists determ<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>the</strong> HIV/AIDS discourse <strong>in</strong> a pr<strong>of</strong>ound<br />
way: <strong>the</strong> epidemiological history <strong>of</strong> HIV/AIDS was considered <strong>the</strong> most important factor <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
construction <strong>of</strong> a time frame that was necessary for those battl<strong>in</strong>g HIV/AIDS to underst<strong>and</strong> what<br />
had happened <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> past. The epidemiological periodization <strong>of</strong> AIDS usually dist<strong>in</strong>guishes three<br />
phases: <strong>the</strong> phase <strong>of</strong> denial (1980s), <strong>the</strong> phase <strong>of</strong> slow <strong>and</strong> top-down response (beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
1990s), <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> current phase that is characterized by a broadened attention to what is happen<strong>in</strong>g<br />
at <strong>the</strong> grassroots level comb<strong>in</strong>ed with a broader outreach to those who need medication,<br />
treatment <strong>and</strong> care. The epidemiological periodization also mirrors <strong>the</strong> periodization based on<br />
national <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>ternational responses to HIV/AIDS, whereby this third phase is heavily def<strong>in</strong>ed by<br />
massive f<strong>in</strong>ancial <strong>in</strong>jections <strong>of</strong> global funds <strong>and</strong> foreign organizations.<br />
The construction <strong>of</strong> a time frame is by def<strong>in</strong>ition an artificial <strong>and</strong> conventionalized arrangement<br />
that aims to clarify <strong>the</strong> matter at stake. In <strong>the</strong> past few years, <strong>the</strong> current time frame <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
HIV/AIDS discourse has received some criticism from experts <strong>of</strong> discipl<strong>in</strong>es o<strong>the</strong>r than<br />
biomedic<strong>in</strong>e. The ma<strong>in</strong> reason for <strong>the</strong>ir criticism is that <strong>the</strong> epidemiological periodization reflects<br />
a fabricated <strong>and</strong> somewhat one-sided arrangement <strong>of</strong> phases <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> epidemic. While it is clear<br />
that <strong>the</strong> ma<strong>in</strong> focus <strong>of</strong> epidemiologists has resulted <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> construction <strong>of</strong> a time l<strong>in</strong>e that keeps<br />
track <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> major changes with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> HIV/AIDS epidemic, it is also obvious that <strong>the</strong> dom<strong>in</strong>ant<br />
time frame does not facilitate a clear view on alternative or additional developments tak<strong>in</strong>g place<br />
with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> HIV/AIDS <strong>in</strong> Africa.<br />
In response to <strong>the</strong> construction <strong>of</strong> a history <strong>of</strong> HIV/AIDS <strong>in</strong> Africa based on an epidemiology,<br />
alternative histories have emerged. These have tended to focus on <strong>the</strong> social <strong>and</strong> cultural notions<br />
<strong>of</strong> HIV/AIDS <strong>in</strong> Africa <strong>in</strong> order to provide a more balanced frame <strong>of</strong> reference (see for example<br />
Kalipeni et.al. 2004; Lw<strong>and</strong>a 2005; Denis 2006). They tend also to have a more contextual<br />
focus: <strong>the</strong> social actors <strong>and</strong> authorities are <strong>the</strong> ones who <strong>in</strong>terpret, situate <strong>and</strong> respond to <strong>the</strong><br />
epidemic, so <strong>the</strong>y are <strong>the</strong> ones who determ<strong>in</strong>e <strong>the</strong> periodization <strong>of</strong> AIDS. Denis (2006:21) states<br />
that <strong>the</strong> history <strong>of</strong> AIDS <strong>in</strong> Africa should not only be based on <strong>of</strong>ficial levels <strong>of</strong> HIV prevalence,<br />
96