spirit and healing in africa - University of the Free State
spirit and healing in africa - University of the Free State spirit and healing in africa - University of the Free State
obtain particular medicines or to learn new techniques in foreign countries, and they bring these resources to the locus of their healing business. A well-known example of these circulation and indigenization processes, within the African traditional healing discourse, is the use of injections. Under colonial rule, the frontier between Africa and Europe was crossed when a number of medical techniques were incorporated into indigenous healing systems. The injection appeared to be the most popular treatment because its healing effects were swift and obvious (Vaughan 1991:24; Whyte 1997:26; White 2000:99ff; Good 2004:10). Most of the examples of bordercrossing by healers suggest that a healing technique, or a medical substance, is regarded more powerful and effective when the healing resources originate from the other side of a border. The same preference or need for unfamiliar sources of healing exist when healers move beyond borders that give access to the invisible world, the unmapped realm of the ancestors and other spirits who can distribute divine healing power. Both the physical and the conceptual frontiers are equally important in the healing activities. They often support and complement each other because the processes of healing and restoration center on physical places of treatment, places of the mind where powers of affliction and healing compete for dominance, (demarcated) stages in time, somatic areas affected by sickness and the patient’s seclusion from and participation in the community. Sometimes it is difficult to see a clear distinction between the literal and conceptual nature of these borders, since they are simultaneously dividers between particular moments, locations, persons, spiritual beings, objects and ways of thinking. Good (2004:22f) elaborates on African frontiers under colonial pressure, showing that the many indigenous healing systems (firmly rooted in African metaphysics) formed a sort of cultural shield, a frontier, against the geographical border-crossing of Christian missionaries and their activities. The physical and conceptual borders that healers encounter and cross in their healing activities, then, are often intertwined with and dependent on each other for their existence. 2.4.3 The need for borders in African healing For healers who participate within cults of affliction, the issue is not so much about the nature of frontiers, but the very existence of frontiers. Healers essentially depend on borders and the variety of these borders in order to be effective in their healing ministry. They need markers and boundaries, “as bounded spaces are often necessary for the construction of a healing community” (Luedke & West 2006:6. See also Landau 1996:263). The dealing with affliction, the process of healing, and the manifestation of transformation can only be fruitful when a safe haven has been created. The importance of demarcation explains why, for example, in the ngoma framework a suffering patient first needs to undergo an initiation rite before accessing ngoma therapy. Healers 58
carefully balance their practices around the distinctions and borders between the patient’s old life and their new life, between the familiar and the unfamiliar. Luedke & West (2006) contend that healers in contemporary southeast Africa derive their healing power from the way they relate to borders: they cross boundaries in order to access new healing resources, and at the same time they need to protect these boundaries, or else their assets will be exhausted by other people, healers and patients alike. Border-crossing The treatment of illness and affliction requires the continuous development of new therapies, the acquisition of appropriate medicine, and updated communication with spiritual beings, and therefore healers cross borders constantly. If they don’t, their healing activities will soon lose (divine) power and become less attractive to the health-seeking audience. In the traditional healing environment, healers receive knowledge for healing purposes from the spiritual world, so they need to regularly adjust to the sources of their healing power. Also, with regard to the interpersonal domain, healers need to be creative and innovative in extending their sources of healing power (cf. Whyte 1988:226; Last 1992:404; Rekdal 1999:472). Reliance on knowledge and techniques that have worked in the past may not be sufficient for current needs, because the nature of affliction and illness can change under the influence of social and economic pressures. So, if healers want to sustain their practices then they depend on their creativity and originality to add foreign elements, methods, medicines and insights to their treatment 21 . The need to cross borders in order to re-invent appropriate healing techniques has not only to do with the changing nature of affliction, but also with the changing expectations of the clientele. When people become too familiar with the existing practices of a healer, they might turn to another expert whose techniques conserve the mystery of healing. In this light, West mentions the people in Mueda (northern Mozambique) who say that “one’s medicine has grown stale” (Luedke & West 2006:10). It seems that, in the perspective of the clients, the healer has become less powerful if the dimension of the unfamiliar and the unknown has disappeared in the healing therapy: the evaporation of the notion of mystery in healing refers to the impotence of a healer. 21. There are many examples of healers who implement elements of the biomedicine discourse to their practices. Healers, who are specialized in mediating the communication of particular spirits, might start to introduce the communication of Christian spirits or saints to his or her repertoire (cf. Wilkens 2009). The exploitation of foreign elements is a crucial part of the African traditional healing discourse. 59
- Page 7 and 8: TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 11 1
- Page 9 and 10: PART II. EXPLORING A REFORMED PNEUM
- Page 11 and 12: INTRODUCTION 1. Research background
- Page 13 and 14: and her status? Does the Bible not
- Page 15 and 16: traditional healing, the HIV/AIDS c
- Page 17 and 18: This thesis centralizes the proper,
- Page 19 and 20: subject of health within the variou
- Page 21 and 22: 7. Research outline This research c
- Page 23 and 24: and materiality. The answers to thi
- Page 25 and 26: physical affliction, and it points
- Page 27 and 28: 1.2 MEANING OF SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIVIS
- Page 29 and 30: trust) that can influence health an
- Page 31 and 32: 1.3.2 Discourse When one follows th
- Page 33 and 34: still resists a clear definition an
- Page 35 and 36: the study of African healing starte
- Page 37 and 38: industrialized world” (Helman 200
- Page 39 and 40: produced, that a certain gesture re
- Page 41 and 42: influence in Southern Africa. The a
- Page 43 and 44: collective experiences, codes of th
- Page 45 and 46: However, despite many attempts to a
- Page 47 and 48: impact on African indigenous cultur
- Page 49 and 50: Suffering as a relational matter
- Page 51 and 52: situation in which one is actively
- Page 53 and 54: particular rituals are subject to c
- Page 55 and 56: Ngoma’s ability to recreate socie
- Page 57: 2.4 BORDERS OF AFRICAN TRADITIONAL
- Page 61 and 62: connection with the human beings wh
- Page 63 and 64: ancestors and other spirits is impo
- Page 65 and 66: a network of vessels through which
- Page 67 and 68: healing, because relationships are
- Page 69 and 70: esistance. Without denying that mis
- Page 71 and 72: century it turned out that the medi
- Page 73 and 74: scientific insights. The rigid Enli
- Page 75 and 76: determined the course of missionary
- Page 77 and 78: exclusive and divergent therapy, th
- Page 79 and 80: merely regarded as the mirror of th
- Page 81 and 82: esearch starts (as it is in convent
- Page 83 and 84: a given society), but it should be
- Page 85 and 86: eliefs and deeds were reproduced th
- Page 87 and 88: missionary discourse focuses not on
- Page 89 and 90: The notion of transformation result
- Page 91 and 92: 3.5.3 Transformation without superi
- Page 93 and 94: The transformation of biomedicine i
- Page 95 and 96: people make sense of health and ill
- Page 97 and 98: ut should have narratives and perso
- Page 99 and 100: these, but all of them include, imp
- Page 101 and 102: Epidemiological constructions of AI
- Page 103 and 104: investigating sexual activities wit
- Page 105 and 106: within a specific society. The ackn
- Page 107 and 108: This section aims at exploring some
obta<strong>in</strong> particular medic<strong>in</strong>es or to learn new techniques <strong>in</strong> foreign countries, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>y br<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>se<br />
resources to <strong>the</strong> locus <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong> bus<strong>in</strong>ess. A well-known example <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se circulation <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>in</strong>digenization processes, with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> African traditional <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong> discourse, is <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>jections.<br />
Under colonial rule, <strong>the</strong> frontier between Africa <strong>and</strong> Europe was crossed when a number <strong>of</strong><br />
medical techniques were <strong>in</strong>corporated <strong>in</strong>to <strong>in</strong>digenous <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong> systems. The <strong>in</strong>jection appeared to<br />
be <strong>the</strong> most popular treatment because its <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong> effects were swift <strong>and</strong> obvious (Vaughan<br />
1991:24; Whyte 1997:26; White 2000:99ff; Good 2004:10). Most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> examples <strong>of</strong> bordercross<strong>in</strong>g<br />
by healers suggest that a <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong> technique, or a medical substance, is regarded more<br />
powerful <strong>and</strong> effective when <strong>the</strong> <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong> resources orig<strong>in</strong>ate from <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r side <strong>of</strong> a border. The<br />
same preference or need for unfamiliar sources <strong>of</strong> <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong> exist when healers move beyond<br />
borders that give access to <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>visible world, <strong>the</strong> unmapped realm <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ancestors <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
<strong>spirit</strong>s who can distribute div<strong>in</strong>e <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong> power.<br />
Both <strong>the</strong> physical <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> conceptual frontiers are equally important <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong> activities.<br />
They <strong>of</strong>ten support <strong>and</strong> complement each o<strong>the</strong>r because <strong>the</strong> processes <strong>of</strong> <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong> <strong>and</strong> restoration<br />
center on physical places <strong>of</strong> treatment, places <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> m<strong>in</strong>d where powers <strong>of</strong> affliction <strong>and</strong> <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong><br />
compete for dom<strong>in</strong>ance, (demarcated) stages <strong>in</strong> time, somatic areas affected by sickness <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
patient’s seclusion from <strong>and</strong> participation <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> community. Sometimes it is difficult to see a<br />
clear dist<strong>in</strong>ction between <strong>the</strong> literal <strong>and</strong> conceptual nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se borders, s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong>y are<br />
simultaneously dividers between particular moments, locations, persons, <strong>spirit</strong>ual be<strong>in</strong>gs, objects<br />
<strong>and</strong> ways <strong>of</strong> th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g. Good (2004:22f) elaborates on African frontiers under colonial pressure,<br />
show<strong>in</strong>g that <strong>the</strong> many <strong>in</strong>digenous <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong> systems (firmly rooted <strong>in</strong> African metaphysics)<br />
formed a sort <strong>of</strong> cultural shield, a frontier, aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong> geographical border-cross<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> Christian<br />
missionaries <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir activities. The physical <strong>and</strong> conceptual borders that healers encounter <strong>and</strong><br />
cross <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong> activities, <strong>the</strong>n, are <strong>of</strong>ten <strong>in</strong>tertw<strong>in</strong>ed with <strong>and</strong> dependent on each o<strong>the</strong>r for<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir existence.<br />
2.4.3 The need for borders <strong>in</strong> African <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong><br />
For healers who participate with<strong>in</strong> cults <strong>of</strong> affliction, <strong>the</strong> issue is not so much about <strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong><br />
frontiers, but <strong>the</strong> very existence <strong>of</strong> frontiers. Healers essentially depend on borders <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
variety <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se borders <strong>in</strong> order to be effective <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong> m<strong>in</strong>istry. They need markers <strong>and</strong><br />
boundaries, “as bounded spaces are <strong>of</strong>ten necessary for <strong>the</strong> construction <strong>of</strong> a <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong> community”<br />
(Luedke & West 2006:6. See also L<strong>and</strong>au 1996:263). The deal<strong>in</strong>g with affliction, <strong>the</strong> process <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong>, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> manifestation <strong>of</strong> transformation can only be fruitful when a safe haven has been<br />
created. The importance <strong>of</strong> demarcation expla<strong>in</strong>s why, for example, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> ngoma framework a<br />
suffer<strong>in</strong>g patient first needs to undergo an <strong>in</strong>itiation rite before access<strong>in</strong>g ngoma <strong>the</strong>rapy. Healers<br />
58