spirit and healing in africa - University of the Free State
spirit and healing in africa - University of the Free State spirit and healing in africa - University of the Free State
practices compared to the statements that are produced within African traditional religious structures. 1.4.2 Health discourses in Africa In the following chapters the four above-mentioned, health discourses will be explored, since they have generated the most influential health paradigms in Southern Africa, having a major impact on people’s ideas and beliefs about health and healing (cf. Cochrane 2006b:13; Rasmussen 2008:12). The African traditional healing discourse is inextricably linked with African religious beliefs and codes. These religious traditions center around the idea that reality is an open domain in which various realms interact with each other. This holistic worldview generates and sustains ideas about spiritual beings with whom human beings need to develop and preserve effective relationships in order to achieve health and well-being. The HIV/Aids discourse is mainly based on concepts of health and healing produced by the paradigm of allopathic medicine. But, as Rasmussen states, “the explanatory models of biomedicine have for the most part not been transposed to the informal sector” (2008:11). This implies that the biomedical discourse in Africa comprises complicated (under)currents of opinions and actions. The HIV/Aids discourse is not only about clinical treatment by biomedical staff and projects developed by Western-based agencies, it also includes the notion of suffering in its many dimensions. Spiritual or church-based healing is a discourse that has largely been developed by African Independent (or Indigenous) churches and by African representatives of the Pentecostal tradition. Although the nomenclature of these traditions is not always clear and consistent, their healing practices generally share the same features based on beliefs derived from African indigenous traditions and from Christian ways of thinking. These blends have transformed into a relatively autonomous discourse on healing. In addition to the three above-mentioned dominant health discourses in Southern Africa, there is the discourse of missionary medicine. Although the health concepts and practices of medical missionaries were generated from and determined by the developments of Western biomedicine, missionary medicine can be regarded as a discourse on its own. In contrast to secular colonial medicine, missionary medicine incorporates the extra dimension of belief and ideology in relation to health and healing. The presence of medical missionaries has (had) profound 40
influence in Southern Africa. The actual impact of missionary medicine is articulated in various ways: some contributions tend to evaluate the missionaries’ contributions in a negative way because they caused the decline of African indigenous healing practices (cf. Chepkwony 2006:42), some focus on the manipulating forces of missionaries’ ideas and healing activities constructing their own images of ‘the African’ and therefore justifying their own presence in Africa (cf. Vaughan 1991:74; Butchart 1998:75), while others highlight the introduction of modern technology, science, education, healthcare and other (in)direct influences of the missionary period (cf. Good 2004:7). The different assessments of missionary medicine in Southern Africa make it abundantly clear that missionary medicine cannot simply be categorized under Western biomedicine, but that its multiple components constitute a separate discourse. The identification of the four prominent health discourses in Africa allows for the idea that healing in Africa differs from healing in other parts of the world. Each area of the globe creates a medicine of its own (Porter 1997:135), since the social and cultural aspects of each society produce a particular response to the diseases and hardship that the members of that society are confronted with. The discussion of the four discourses will reveal that the uniqueness of healing in Africa can be found in the negotiation of health with spiritual realities, but also in the intermingling of ideas about health, power and sin. In addition, the all-pervasive presence of poverty and HIV/Aids produces, as we shall see, a different definition of health and healing than is the case in, for example, Europe or the United States of America. Not only the social, economic, political, educational and cultural aspects of a society determine what kind of responses or discourses that society will produce, but also the dynamics of health care pluralism constitute the unique nature of healing in that society. Cecil Helman (2007:50) speaks of popular, folk and professional sectors in health care, thereby indicating that “in most societies one form of health care, such as scientific medicine in the West, is elevated above the other forms”. Helman terms these other forms as health care sub-cultures, and mentions examples such as traditional Chinese medicine and Indian or Ayurvedic medicine. Just like African traditional healing, these health care sub-cultures have a major impact on how and why people make choices between the various health care options. In other words, indigenous subcultures trigger a certain dynamics in how health is understood, and the way the various dynamic health systems or discourses within a society interact and complement each other can differ per geographical area. While health has been defined as a social construct, and thus as contextual by nature, it must be emphasized again that health is also by definition hybrid. This means that health concepts can 41
- Page 1 and 2: SPIRIT AND HEALING IN AFRICA: A REF
- Page 3 and 4: ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS It feels like this
- Page 5 and 6: I would like to believe that my chi
- Page 7 and 8: TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 11 1
- Page 9 and 10: PART II. EXPLORING A REFORMED PNEUM
- Page 11 and 12: INTRODUCTION 1. Research background
- Page 13 and 14: and her status? Does the Bible not
- Page 15 and 16: traditional healing, the HIV/AIDS c
- Page 17 and 18: This thesis centralizes the proper,
- Page 19 and 20: subject of health within the variou
- Page 21 and 22: 7. Research outline This research c
- Page 23 and 24: and materiality. The answers to thi
- Page 25 and 26: physical affliction, and it points
- Page 27 and 28: 1.2 MEANING OF SOCIAL CONSTRUCTIVIS
- Page 29 and 30: trust) that can influence health an
- Page 31 and 32: 1.3.2 Discourse When one follows th
- Page 33 and 34: still resists a clear definition an
- Page 35 and 36: the study of African healing starte
- Page 37 and 38: industrialized world” (Helman 200
- Page 39: produced, that a certain gesture re
- Page 43 and 44: collective experiences, codes of th
- Page 45 and 46: However, despite many attempts to a
- Page 47 and 48: impact on African indigenous cultur
- Page 49 and 50: Suffering as a relational matter
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- Page 53 and 54: particular rituals are subject to c
- Page 55 and 56: Ngoma’s ability to recreate socie
- Page 57 and 58: 2.4 BORDERS OF AFRICAN TRADITIONAL
- Page 59 and 60: carefully balance their practices a
- Page 61 and 62: connection with the human beings wh
- Page 63 and 64: ancestors and other spirits is impo
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- Page 69 and 70: esistance. Without denying that mis
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- Page 79 and 80: merely regarded as the mirror of th
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- Page 83 and 84: a given society), but it should be
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practices compared to <strong>the</strong> statements that are produced with<strong>in</strong> African traditional religious<br />
structures.<br />
1.4.2 Health discourses <strong>in</strong> Africa<br />
In <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g chapters <strong>the</strong> four above-mentioned, health discourses will be explored, s<strong>in</strong>ce<br />
<strong>the</strong>y have generated <strong>the</strong> most <strong>in</strong>fluential health paradigms <strong>in</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Africa, hav<strong>in</strong>g a major<br />
impact on people’s ideas <strong>and</strong> beliefs about health <strong>and</strong> <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong> (cf. Cochrane 2006b:13;<br />
Rasmussen 2008:12).<br />
The African traditional <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong> discourse is <strong>in</strong>extricably l<strong>in</strong>ked with African religious beliefs<br />
<strong>and</strong> codes. These religious traditions center around <strong>the</strong> idea that reality is an open doma<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong><br />
which various realms <strong>in</strong>teract with each o<strong>the</strong>r. This holistic worldview generates <strong>and</strong> susta<strong>in</strong>s<br />
ideas about <strong>spirit</strong>ual be<strong>in</strong>gs with whom human be<strong>in</strong>gs need to develop <strong>and</strong> preserve effective<br />
relationships <strong>in</strong> order to achieve health <strong>and</strong> well-be<strong>in</strong>g.<br />
The HIV/Aids discourse is ma<strong>in</strong>ly based on concepts <strong>of</strong> health <strong>and</strong> <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong> produced by <strong>the</strong><br />
paradigm <strong>of</strong> allopathic medic<strong>in</strong>e. But, as Rasmussen states, “<strong>the</strong> explanatory models <strong>of</strong><br />
biomedic<strong>in</strong>e have for <strong>the</strong> most part not been transposed to <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>formal sector” (2008:11). This<br />
implies that <strong>the</strong> biomedical discourse <strong>in</strong> Africa comprises complicated (under)currents <strong>of</strong><br />
op<strong>in</strong>ions <strong>and</strong> actions. The HIV/Aids discourse is not only about cl<strong>in</strong>ical treatment by biomedical<br />
staff <strong>and</strong> projects developed by Western-based agencies, it also <strong>in</strong>cludes <strong>the</strong> notion <strong>of</strong> suffer<strong>in</strong>g<br />
<strong>in</strong> its many dimensions.<br />
Spiritual or church-based <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong> is a discourse that has largely been developed by African<br />
Independent (or Indigenous) churches <strong>and</strong> by African representatives <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Pentecostal tradition.<br />
Although <strong>the</strong> nomenclature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>se traditions is not always clear <strong>and</strong> consistent, <strong>the</strong>ir <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong><br />
practices generally share <strong>the</strong> same features based on beliefs derived from African <strong>in</strong>digenous<br />
traditions <strong>and</strong> from Christian ways <strong>of</strong> th<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g. These blends have transformed <strong>in</strong>to a relatively<br />
autonomous discourse on <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong>.<br />
In addition to <strong>the</strong> three above-mentioned dom<strong>in</strong>ant health discourses <strong>in</strong> Sou<strong>the</strong>rn Africa, <strong>the</strong>re is<br />
<strong>the</strong> discourse <strong>of</strong> missionary medic<strong>in</strong>e. Although <strong>the</strong> health concepts <strong>and</strong> practices <strong>of</strong> medical<br />
missionaries were generated from <strong>and</strong> determ<strong>in</strong>ed by <strong>the</strong> developments <strong>of</strong> Western biomedic<strong>in</strong>e,<br />
missionary medic<strong>in</strong>e can be regarded as a discourse on its own. In contrast to secular colonial<br />
medic<strong>in</strong>e, missionary medic<strong>in</strong>e <strong>in</strong>corporates <strong>the</strong> extra dimension <strong>of</strong> belief <strong>and</strong> ideology <strong>in</strong><br />
relation to health <strong>and</strong> <strong>heal<strong>in</strong>g</strong>. The presence <strong>of</strong> medical missionaries has (had) pr<strong>of</strong>ound<br />
40