spirit and healing in africa - University of the Free State
spirit and healing in africa - University of the Free State spirit and healing in africa - University of the Free State
One major element that contributed to this growing awareness and to a more critical evaluation of the Western biomedical paradigm regarding HIV/AIDS in Africa is the so-called critical discourse analysis (CDA). Generally speaking, CDA is a tool for acquiring sharper insights into particular matters within a specific discourse that have to do with social constructions of power, domination and marginalization. It is presupposed by CDA that spoken and written words (discourse) are subjective by definition. Words can never be neutral, for they acquire their meaning within a specific historical, social and political context. The objective of CDA is to identify, clarify, and challenge the relationships that exist between the use of language and the exercise of power, in the sense of domination of the marginalized by the elite within a discourse (see Van Dijk 1993). Within the discourse on HIV/AIDS in Africa, critical discourse analysts have contributed significantly to the voicing of the unheard and marginalized people involved in the fight against HIV/AIDS. Focusing on the HIV/AIDS discourse, the CDA “analyzes the calculus of economic and symbolic power in medical rituals, critiquing the systems upon which medical exchange and meanings are built” (Jain n.d.:1). This means that CDA does not only play an important role in identifying the limitations of mainstream biomedical programs within HIV/AIDS prevention programs, but also aims to resist the social inequality produced and maintained by those who dominate the HIV/AIDS discourse financially, politically and socially. CDA research has, for example, brought to attention how the power relations within the HIV/AIDS discourse facilitate the dominant perspective by highlighting themes such as stigma, blame, racism and moralism (cf. Stillwaggon 2003; Schoepf 2004; Jain n.y.). 4.3 BEYOND EPIDEMIOLOGY ‘Beyond epidemiology’ is a term coined by Kalipeni et.al., who published an important work on HIV/AIDS in Africa from perspectives that had been largely unnoticed until then. Beyond Epidemiology (2004) is a rich collection of perspectives and research findings forming a critical addition to mainstream opinions within the discourse. The publication was instigated by the realization that the biomedical paradigm has dominated the HIV/AIDS discourse, without succeeding to stop the spread of the virus. In response to this, the trend now is to open the discourse, and to move beyond epidemiology as the determining factor to understand HIV/AIDS. By moving beyond epidemiological models of HIV/AIDS, researchers have pushed the HIV/AIDS discourse in a new direction so that it is no longer a mainly epidemiological matter; the roots of the disease are more numerous and deeper than the virus itself. ‘Beyond epidemiology’ is an expression that refers to the complex network of factors linked to each other 104
within a specific society. The acknowledgement that the existence of HIV/AIDS is not only a matter of viral transmission, but also a matter of culture, politics, economy, gender relations, poverty and globalization, is the most crucial part of the gravity shift within the discourse. The human factor in the epidemic has received increasing attention, steering the direction of the discussion towards human rights, community-based responses at a grass roots level, personal narratives of people suffering from HIV/AIDS and local understandings of HIV/AIDS. Topdown approaches, in which a selected group of people determines what is best for the majority (as in national policies and biomedical prevention programs), are being challenged by a growing number of alternative perspectives which claim that religion, local knowledge, music and empowerment play an important role in the fight against HIV/AIDS. In the following paragraphs, these ‘beyond epidemiology’ approaches will be discussed in more detail and the existence of alternative or popular explanations of HIV/AIDS will be explored in general. How do such constructions come into being, and what is the relevance of popular HIV/AIDS constructs for the ones who keep them intact? After a general introduction into nonepidemiological HIV/AIDS constructions there follows a more specific focus on the understanding of HIV/AIDS in relation to Christian faith. This link between religion and HIV/AIDS is a somewhat separate, yet important, category within the ‘beyond epidemiology’ discourse. In the African context, daily life is infused with Christian faith and church praxis. No wonder church and theology are heavily involved in the fight against HIV/AIDS, sometimes implicitly and sometimes explicitly (with all inherent matters of dispute). A focus on the relation of Christian faith and HIV/AIDS constructions (of which HIV/AIDS theologies are part) will bring about the importance and necessity of ‘beyond epidemiology’ approaches within the discourse on HIV/AIDS in Africa. 4.3.1 Social representations of HIV/AIDS The way in which people talk about illness, and how they consider the origin and spread of HIV/AIDS, has become an important area of attention within the HIV/AIDS discourse, because it reveals how people make sense of HIV/AIDS within their own frame of reference. Those who are involved in HIV prevention measures and policies may especially benefit from social science research on lay people’s perceptions and actions pertaining to HIV/AIDS in Africa. In social science jargon, the way people interpret and respond to social threats (like HIV/AIDS) is called social representation. What happens in the process of social representation is that people who belong to the same social category apply familiar concepts, ideas, and images to the social threat. For example, the social representations of HIV/AIDS by men in Southern Malawi 105
- Page 53 and 54: particular rituals are subject to c
- Page 55 and 56: Ngoma’s ability to recreate socie
- Page 57 and 58: 2.4 BORDERS OF AFRICAN TRADITIONAL
- Page 59 and 60: carefully balance their practices a
- Page 61 and 62: connection with the human beings wh
- Page 63 and 64: ancestors and other spirits is impo
- Page 65 and 66: a network of vessels through which
- Page 67 and 68: healing, because relationships are
- Page 69 and 70: esistance. Without denying that mis
- Page 71 and 72: century it turned out that the medi
- Page 73 and 74: scientific insights. The rigid Enli
- Page 75 and 76: determined the course of missionary
- Page 77 and 78: exclusive and divergent therapy, th
- Page 79 and 80: merely regarded as the mirror of th
- Page 81 and 82: esearch starts (as it is in convent
- Page 83 and 84: a given society), but it should be
- Page 85 and 86: eliefs and deeds were reproduced th
- Page 87 and 88: missionary discourse focuses not on
- Page 89 and 90: The notion of transformation result
- Page 91 and 92: 3.5.3 Transformation without superi
- Page 93 and 94: The transformation of biomedicine i
- Page 95 and 96: people make sense of health and ill
- Page 97 and 98: ut should have narratives and perso
- Page 99 and 100: these, but all of them include, imp
- Page 101 and 102: Epidemiological constructions of AI
- Page 103: investigating sexual activities wit
- Page 107 and 108: This section aims at exploring some
- Page 109 and 110: assessment and prevention. However,
- Page 111 and 112: which Jesus directly turns towards
- Page 113 and 114: include the dismissal of the assume
- Page 115 and 116: 4.4.2 Quality of social life From a
- Page 117 and 118: The church now acknowledges that it
- Page 119 and 120: ehavior, has mainly determined the
- Page 121 and 122: CHAPTER 5. CHURCH-BASED HEALING DIS
- Page 123 and 124: independent Pentecostal Churches, t
- Page 125 and 126: deficiencies in medical healthcare
- Page 127 and 128: that the human covenant partner nee
- Page 129 and 130: approach towards the cause of disea
- Page 131 and 132: Besides the argument that Jesus him
- Page 133 and 134: malevolent forces or demons, who ha
- Page 135 and 136: of benevolent spiritual forces in o
- Page 137 and 138: 5.3.3 Power of the Holy Spirit With
- Page 139 and 140: for Jesus’ holistic approach to t
- Page 141 and 142: prophet-healer is seen as someone w
- Page 143 and 144: church-based healing discourse does
- Page 145 and 146: church-based healing would be depri
- Page 147 and 148: who have to deal with a changing st
- Page 149 and 150: manifests itself, but it is definit
- Page 151 and 152: PART II. EXPLORING A REFORMED PNEUM
- Page 153 and 154: matrix? What are the essential elem
One major element that contributed to this grow<strong>in</strong>g awareness <strong>and</strong> to a more critical evaluation<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Western biomedical paradigm regard<strong>in</strong>g HIV/AIDS <strong>in</strong> Africa is <strong>the</strong> so-called critical<br />
discourse analysis (CDA). Generally speak<strong>in</strong>g, CDA is a tool for acquir<strong>in</strong>g sharper <strong>in</strong>sights <strong>in</strong>to<br />
particular matters with<strong>in</strong> a specific discourse that have to do with social constructions <strong>of</strong> power,<br />
dom<strong>in</strong>ation <strong>and</strong> marg<strong>in</strong>alization. It is presupposed by CDA that spoken <strong>and</strong> written words<br />
(discourse) are subjective by def<strong>in</strong>ition. Words can never be neutral, for <strong>the</strong>y acquire <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
mean<strong>in</strong>g with<strong>in</strong> a specific historical, social <strong>and</strong> political context. The objective <strong>of</strong> CDA is to<br />
identify, clarify, <strong>and</strong> challenge <strong>the</strong> relationships that exist between <strong>the</strong> use <strong>of</strong> language <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
exercise <strong>of</strong> power, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> sense <strong>of</strong> dom<strong>in</strong>ation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> marg<strong>in</strong>alized by <strong>the</strong> elite with<strong>in</strong> a discourse<br />
(see Van Dijk 1993).<br />
With<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> discourse on HIV/AIDS <strong>in</strong> Africa, critical discourse analysts have contributed<br />
significantly to <strong>the</strong> voic<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> unheard <strong>and</strong> marg<strong>in</strong>alized people <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> fight aga<strong>in</strong>st<br />
HIV/AIDS. Focus<strong>in</strong>g on <strong>the</strong> HIV/AIDS discourse, <strong>the</strong> CDA “analyzes <strong>the</strong> calculus <strong>of</strong> economic<br />
<strong>and</strong> symbolic power <strong>in</strong> medical rituals, critiqu<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> systems upon which medical exchange <strong>and</strong><br />
mean<strong>in</strong>gs are built” (Ja<strong>in</strong> n.d.:1). This means that CDA does not only play an important role <strong>in</strong><br />
identify<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> limitations <strong>of</strong> ma<strong>in</strong>stream biomedical programs with<strong>in</strong> HIV/AIDS prevention<br />
programs, but also aims to resist <strong>the</strong> social <strong>in</strong>equality produced <strong>and</strong> ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed by those who<br />
dom<strong>in</strong>ate <strong>the</strong> HIV/AIDS discourse f<strong>in</strong>ancially, politically <strong>and</strong> socially. CDA research has, for<br />
example, brought to attention how <strong>the</strong> power relations with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> HIV/AIDS discourse facilitate<br />
<strong>the</strong> dom<strong>in</strong>ant perspective by highlight<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong>mes such as stigma, blame, racism <strong>and</strong> moralism<br />
(cf. Stillwaggon 2003; Schoepf 2004; Ja<strong>in</strong> n.y.).<br />
4.3 BEYOND EPIDEMIOLOGY<br />
‘Beyond epidemiology’ is a term co<strong>in</strong>ed by Kalipeni et.al., who published an important work on<br />
HIV/AIDS <strong>in</strong> Africa from perspectives that had been largely unnoticed until <strong>the</strong>n. Beyond<br />
Epidemiology (2004) is a rich collection <strong>of</strong> perspectives <strong>and</strong> research f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gs form<strong>in</strong>g a critical<br />
addition to ma<strong>in</strong>stream op<strong>in</strong>ions with<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> discourse. The publication was <strong>in</strong>stigated by <strong>the</strong><br />
realization that <strong>the</strong> biomedical paradigm has dom<strong>in</strong>ated <strong>the</strong> HIV/AIDS discourse, without<br />
succeed<strong>in</strong>g to stop <strong>the</strong> spread <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> virus. In response to this, <strong>the</strong> trend now is to open <strong>the</strong><br />
discourse, <strong>and</strong> to move beyond epidemiology as <strong>the</strong> determ<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g factor to underst<strong>and</strong> HIV/AIDS.<br />
By mov<strong>in</strong>g beyond epidemiological models <strong>of</strong> HIV/AIDS, researchers have pushed <strong>the</strong><br />
HIV/AIDS discourse <strong>in</strong> a new direction so that it is no longer a ma<strong>in</strong>ly epidemiological matter;<br />
<strong>the</strong> roots <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> disease are more numerous <strong>and</strong> deeper than <strong>the</strong> virus itself. ‘Beyond<br />
epidemiology’ is an expression that refers to <strong>the</strong> complex network <strong>of</strong> factors l<strong>in</strong>ked to each o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
104