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Islamic Revolution in 1979, the name was yet again altered, this time to Dašt-i Āzādagān. The centre of the present-day township is Sūsangard, formerly called H~afāğiya in Arabic 6 , and the major towns are Bustān (previously called Bisaytīn) as well as Hūzegān (formerly known as H}uwayza). 7 The residents of this area have generally been Arab nomads who were to a large extent forcefully sedentarized in the past decades. 8 This nomadic past is still evident from their speech, for they speak the ‗arab or ‗nomadic‘ type of the H~ūzistāni dialects, in contrast with the h}ad}ar or ‗sedentary‘ type in the southern parts of the province, along the banks of the Šat}t} al-‗Arab and the lower Kārūn. 9 In general, the dialect of both groups is distinguishably a Mesopotamian gilitdialect. Thus, H~ūzistānī Arabic, in the linguistic sense, is not peripheral because it shows all the features of the Arabic dialects on the Iraqi side of the border, it can only be considered peripheral in a geographical sense. It is true, though, that since H~ūzistānīs live under a major Persian influence, they tend to use more Persian words than their Iraqi counterparts. According to Ingham‘s classification of the H~ūzistāni dialects, the speech in the northern region of the province 10 is typologically closer to that of the ‗Amāra area. This area comprises the marshlands called H}awr al-H}uwayza to the east of the town of ‗Amāra, now situated in Iraq, ranging across the Iraq-Iran border as far as H}uwayza (Hūzegān) and Bisaytīn (Bustān) on the Iranian side. This territory is still largely populated by the so-called Mi‗dān or ‗marsh Arabs‘. As regards the regional features discussed in Ingham‘s article, the local H~ūzistāni speech which is of the ‗nomadic‘ type has similarities with the dialects spoken in the Šat}t} al-‗Arab and the lower Kārūn. For the city of Sūsangard only one feature characteristic of the ‗Amāra-variety was attested, every other feature was absent. This existing peculiarity is that in the ‗nomadic‘ type of the dialect certain verbal 6 For Sūsangard, see Dihh~udā 1377/1998, 13842. For H~afāğiya, see Dihh~udā 1377/1998, 9886. 7 Dihh~udā 1377/1998, 9242. Written also as Huwayza, see Dihh~udā 1377/1998, 23595. 8 The population in the southern parts of H~ūzistān underwent the process of sedentarization some time earlier due to the bad effects they had had on the exploitation of oil in the region. Earlier writers such as Lorimer testified the nomadic conditions of the northern areas. He gave Ahwāz and Íuwayza as the main pastoral areas and Banī Tamīm along with Banī T~uruf in H}uwayza as the tribes with a majority of nomadic sections. See Ingham 1997, 50 (Footnote 66). 9 In Iran the division between the h}ad}ar and ‗arab dialects usually reflects the discrepancy between the population living from palm cultivation on the one hand, and those occupied in cereal cultivation and pastoralism away from the rivers on the other hand. See Ingham 1997, 29. 10 The areas to the north and west of the provincial capital, Ahwāz. 41
and nominal forms involving only the three radicals followed by a vowelbeginning suffix drop the vowel between the first and the second radical, e.g. nšidat ‗she asked‘. Other characteristics of the dialect of the ‗Amāra region and its surrounding marshlands include the pronunciation /ž/ as a reflex of jīm 11 , the occurrence of /ī/ as a reflex of the Classical Arabic diphthong /ay/ in certain nonverbal forms 12 , and the use of /‗ēb/ as a negative particle for verbs. 13 3. Poems The poems in the volumes are written in Arabic with some necessary vowel signs for an easier comprehension 14 , but no Persian translation is given anywhere throughout the books. The explanatory panels between the poems as well as the biographies of the poets and the general introduction to the townships are all in Persian. This implies that the book was written for an audience who basically speak Persian and either belong to the Arabic-speaking minority or have some knowledge of Arabic and want to get acquainted with the literature of this minority. I am completely aware of the fact that a written dialectal material should always be treated carefully. One should by no means come to final and clear-cut conclusions regarding the dialectal features based on written texts. Such material, especially poems, does not by all means mirror the actual spoken language. My goal with this material is to show to what extent these texts are reliable in setting up the characteristics of the given dialect and how the well-known linguistic features peculiar to the region are attested in them. In the following some random excerpts from these panegyrical poems can be read. Through the first complete poem I intend to demonstrate some of the linguistic features of the area, whereas afterwards only some lines from other poems will be shown that have interesting characteristics. I, of course, do not have in mind to give a full phonological and morphological description of the dialect now because the features deduced from the texts all fit into the general characteristics of the Southern Mesopotamian gilitdialects. 11 In the rest of Southern Mesopotamia and H~ūzistān the regular reflex of jīm is /y/ or /j/, see Johnstone 1965, 236-237ff. and Johnstone 1967, 9-11ff. 12 Examples such as /h}wīza/ for H}uwayza and /dašt mīšān/ are given in Ingham 1997, 33. 13 For a thorough elucidation of these regional contrasts, see Ingham 1997, 31-35. 14 There are also poems originally written in Persian but these are out of the scope of our interest this time. 42
Page 1 and 2: University of Bucharest Center for
Page 3 and 4: Editor: Nadia Anghelescu Associate
Page 5 and 6: FOREWORD This issue of Romano-Arabi
Page 7 and 8: əntu təktəbu But the dialects of
Page 9 and 10: Only in the Jewish dialect a second
Page 11 and 12: and was borrowed from standard Arab
Page 13 and 14: . slip ‗to sleep‘ < E. sleep Th
Page 15 and 16: (14) itnen dinar two dinar ‗two d
Page 17 and 18: Ir. Ar. Finally, forms such as šwa
Page 19 and 20: c. zen ‗good‘ and ‗well‘ Ca
Page 21 and 22: (38) Tal hon baaden giv hada sikina
Page 23 and 24: Similar cases are recorded in other
Page 25 and 26: lexical hybrids + + lexical doublet
Page 28 and 29: Some Peculiarities of Central Asian
Page 30 and 31: dük ‗iyāl-ke kēyin ‗andun.
Page 32 and 33: The plural form of ism in dialect d
Page 34 and 35: Qahtan. It is known that southern A
Page 36 and 37: Bible: ―But he rebelled against h
Page 38 and 39: Shi‘ite Panegyrical Poems from th
Page 42 and 43: 3.1. The composer of the first poem
Page 44 and 45: level within their community. 20 Th
Page 46 and 47: poems from the age of 20 which were
Page 48: sounds in many location names are i
Page 51 and 52: nominale, mais aussi par un syntagm
Page 53 and 54: Les énoncés attributif, locatif e
Page 55 and 56: participe ou syntagme indéfini), q
Page 57 and 58: Je ne suis pas fatigué. Le morphè
Page 59 and 60: y a », la particule d‘existence
Page 62 and 63: Where do we stand in the research o
Page 64 and 65: ǝʕtu bǝʕtu bǝḥtu bǝḥtu b
Page 66 and 67: Sasse 1971 on Mḥallami, Wittrich
Page 68: Talay, Shabo. 2001. ―Der arabisch
Page 71 and 72: groupe périphérique vivant aux co
Page 73 and 74: On n‘a pas retrouvé de textes si
Page 75 and 76: être mis en doute. Il n‘est pas
Page 77 and 78: le grec. On ajoutera que l‘origin
Page 79 and 80: sur ce qu‘on pourrait appeler la
Page 81 and 82: Caracausi, Girolamo, 1987-88. « I
Page 83 and 84: Sgroi, Salvatore Claudio. 1986. Int
Page 85 and 86: general), and greatly assisted by t
Page 87 and 88: The asymmetry in status in reflecte
Page 89 and 90: ‘istat}a‗na ‘an nuh}aqqiq ha:
Page 91 and 92:
Unequal status of variables as soci
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sociolinguistic context of the spee
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Grundvokabular und idiomatische Str
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haben, bei welchen semantischen Ber
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egelmäßig Hausa lernen, Hausa dag
Page 102 and 103:
Die Auswertung der Basis-Wortliste
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Marokko, werden als Kontrollgruppe
Page 106 and 107:
man von einer Koinisierung der Sema
Page 108 and 109:
Does geographical periphery imply l
Page 110 and 111:
elated dialect which represents the
Page 112 and 113:
To facilitate comparative analysis
Page 114 and 115:
see‖, which is perhaps of Armenia
Page 116 and 117:
their Turkish compatriots, has resu
Page 118 and 119:
Sasse, Hans-Jürgen. 1971. Linguist
Page 120 and 121:
121 Table 1 B - Phonology I: Conson
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123 Table 2 - Phonology II: Vowels
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125 Table 3 A - Morphology I - Pers
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127 inside of ǧǝwwāt ǧōfāt
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129 G. Numerals a. Cardinal numbers
Page 130 and 131:
131 Table 6 A - Lexicon: Syrian Gro
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Quelles nouvelles perspectives s’
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En 1977, dans un compte rendu propo
Page 136 and 137:
la survie et la continuité du malt
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officiellement comme langue de l‘
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et le sujet fait l‘objet de contr
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l‘arabe : ana tərki ana, abūy k
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AIDA 5 th Conference Proceedings, C
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— 1995. « Towards a reassessment
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Beda u Qabad: The Maltese Inchoativ
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Bonaparte for:DET-Egypt that among
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high frequency of beda is a commona
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Madanakollu qbadna mexjin. all_the_
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What we do argue is that there is a
Page 158 and 159:
Périphérie géographique et perm
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fois la question car toute donnée
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d‘entre eux n‘a eu qu‘un cont
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de langue officielle et employé à
Page 166 and 167:
evolutionary ‗laws‘ and tendanc
Page 168 and 169:
distribution complémentaires. Cela
Page 170 and 171:
l‘ouest, d‘une part, et tous le
Page 172 and 173:
le lien entre pronoms personnels et
Page 174 and 175:
et « fille (de) » (cf. aġmah «
Page 176 and 177:
Cohen, David. 1970. « Le système
Page 178 and 179:
The influence of Turkish, Kurdish a
Page 180 and 181:
čātəšma ―struggle‖ < Turk.
Page 182 and 183:
of vowels. Actually, the vowels in
Page 184 and 185:
sawa qārəšməš ―to intervene
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Grigore, George. 2000. ―Ku - un p
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Phonetic features and changes in An
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The volume of the samples has been
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the realizations /Ď/ > /t}/ > /t/
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above protetical graphemes - one of
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―confirm, support, assure‖, ‘
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ealization). The number of the root
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ġayn 0 _ 0 _ fā‘ 7 ft‘, fğ
Page 202 and 203:
Corriente, Federico. 1995. Dīwān
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