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Like in other Arabic pidgins and creoles 6 , the affixed pronouns of Arabic are replaced by personal pronouns. The examples below illustrate the use of personal pronouns in structures with a direct object, with a (prepositional) indirect object and expressing possession respectively: (20) a. Inǧiner šuf inte. engineer see 2SG ‗The engineer sees you.‘ b. Ani spik la inte. 1SG speak PREP 2SG ‗I told you.‘ c. Inte sadik la ani. 2SG friend PREP 1SG ‗You are my friend.‘ The only demonstrative is hada ‗this; that‘, which functions either as a pronoun or as a pronominal adjective: (21) hada čakuš. DEM hammer ‗This is a hammer. / this hammer.‘ Finally, there are no relative pronouns. The following question words are recorded: (22) a. min / minu ‗who‘ b. eš / šinu / šu ‗what‘ c. fen / wen ‗where‘ d. šwakit / ešwakit ‗when‘ e. šlon ‗how‘ f. leš / lieš ‗why‘ g. šged ‗how many‘ h. kam / čam ‗how much‘. A few remarks are in order here. First, note the existence of variants. Second, some of these variants are merely alternative pronunciations, e.g. leš and lieš. Third, other variants can be accounted for in terms of their different etymology: fen < Eg. Ar. fēn vs. wen < Ir. Ar. wēn; kam < Eg. Ar. kam vs. čam < 6 See Versteegh (1984) and Avram (1994 and 1995). 17
Ir. Ar. Finally, forms such as šwakit lit. ‗what time‘ or lieš lit. ‗for what‘ are not perceived as bimorphemic by speakers with Romanian as their first language, for whom the system of question words is therefore opaque 7 . The only class of numerals attested is that of cardinal numerals. All of them are invariant in form. Arabic dual forms of cardinal numbers are replaced by structures consisting of the cardinal numeral itnen and a numeral: (23) itnen miya two hundred ‗two hundreds‘ Verbs are invariant in form. There is no copula: (24) Ani šabab. 1SG young ‗I am young.‘ aku): Existence and possession are both expressed by means of aku (< Ir. Ar. (25) a. Aku manğariya. be food ‗There is food.‘ b. Aku fulus la inte? be money PREP 1SG ‗Have you got any money?‘ Only a small number of adverbs are attested. These include the following: (26) a. baden / baaden ‗then‘ b. hon ‗here‘ c. šuwaya(-šuwaya) ‗a little‘ Recall, however, that most adjectives may be used as adverbs as well. Function words hardly occur. Thus, no conjunctions or complementizers are attested. As for prepositions, Romanian Pidgin Arabic has a one-preposition 7 For a survey of the systems of question words in pidgins see Muysken and Smith (1990). 18
Page 1 and 2: University of Bucharest Center for
Page 3 and 4: Editor: Nadia Anghelescu Associate
Page 5 and 6: FOREWORD This issue of Romano-Arabi
Page 7 and 8: əntu təktəbu But the dialects of
Page 9 and 10: Only in the Jewish dialect a second
Page 11 and 12: and was borrowed from standard Arab
Page 13 and 14: . slip ‗to sleep‘ < E. sleep Th
Page 15: (14) itnen dinar two dinar ‗two d
Page 19 and 20: c. zen ‗good‘ and ‗well‘ Ca
Page 21 and 22: (38) Tal hon baaden giv hada sikina
Page 23 and 24: Similar cases are recorded in other
Page 25 and 26: lexical hybrids + + lexical doublet
Page 28 and 29: Some Peculiarities of Central Asian
Page 30 and 31: dük ‗iyāl-ke kēyin ‗andun.
Page 32 and 33: The plural form of ism in dialect d
Page 34 and 35: Qahtan. It is known that southern A
Page 36 and 37: Bible: ―But he rebelled against h
Page 38 and 39: Shi‘ite Panegyrical Poems from th
Page 40 and 41: Islamic Revolution in 1979, the nam
Page 42 and 43: 3.1. The composer of the first poem
Page 44 and 45: level within their community. 20 Th
Page 46 and 47: poems from the age of 20 which were
Page 48: sounds in many location names are i
Page 51 and 52: nominale, mais aussi par un syntagm
Page 53 and 54: Les énoncés attributif, locatif e
Page 55 and 56: participe ou syntagme indéfini), q
Page 57 and 58: Je ne suis pas fatigué. Le morphè
Page 59 and 60: y a », la particule d‘existence
Page 62 and 63: Where do we stand in the research o
Page 64 and 65: ǝʕtu bǝʕtu bǝḥtu bǝḥtu b
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Sasse 1971 on Mḥallami, Wittrich
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Talay, Shabo. 2001. ―Der arabisch
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groupe périphérique vivant aux co
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On n‘a pas retrouvé de textes si
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être mis en doute. Il n‘est pas
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le grec. On ajoutera que l‘origin
Page 79 and 80:
sur ce qu‘on pourrait appeler la
Page 81 and 82:
Caracausi, Girolamo, 1987-88. « I
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Sgroi, Salvatore Claudio. 1986. Int
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general), and greatly assisted by t
Page 87 and 88:
The asymmetry in status in reflecte
Page 89 and 90:
‘istat}a‗na ‘an nuh}aqqiq ha:
Page 91 and 92:
Unequal status of variables as soci
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sociolinguistic context of the spee
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Grundvokabular und idiomatische Str
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haben, bei welchen semantischen Ber
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egelmäßig Hausa lernen, Hausa dag
Page 102 and 103:
Die Auswertung der Basis-Wortliste
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Marokko, werden als Kontrollgruppe
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man von einer Koinisierung der Sema
Page 108 and 109:
Does geographical periphery imply l
Page 110 and 111:
elated dialect which represents the
Page 112 and 113:
To facilitate comparative analysis
Page 114 and 115:
see‖, which is perhaps of Armenia
Page 116 and 117:
their Turkish compatriots, has resu
Page 118 and 119:
Sasse, Hans-Jürgen. 1971. Linguist
Page 120 and 121:
121 Table 1 B - Phonology I: Conson
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123 Table 2 - Phonology II: Vowels
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125 Table 3 A - Morphology I - Pers
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127 inside of ǧǝwwāt ǧōfāt
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129 G. Numerals a. Cardinal numbers
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131 Table 6 A - Lexicon: Syrian Gro
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Quelles nouvelles perspectives s’
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En 1977, dans un compte rendu propo
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la survie et la continuité du malt
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officiellement comme langue de l‘
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et le sujet fait l‘objet de contr
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l‘arabe : ana tərki ana, abūy k
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AIDA 5 th Conference Proceedings, C
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— 1995. « Towards a reassessment
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Beda u Qabad: The Maltese Inchoativ
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Bonaparte for:DET-Egypt that among
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high frequency of beda is a commona
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Madanakollu qbadna mexjin. all_the_
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What we do argue is that there is a
Page 158 and 159:
Périphérie géographique et perm
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fois la question car toute donnée
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d‘entre eux n‘a eu qu‘un cont
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de langue officielle et employé à
Page 166 and 167:
evolutionary ‗laws‘ and tendanc
Page 168 and 169:
distribution complémentaires. Cela
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l‘ouest, d‘une part, et tous le
Page 172 and 173:
le lien entre pronoms personnels et
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et « fille (de) » (cf. aġmah «
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Cohen, David. 1970. « Le système
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The influence of Turkish, Kurdish a
Page 180 and 181:
čātəšma ―struggle‖ < Turk.
Page 182 and 183:
of vowels. Actually, the vowels in
Page 184 and 185:
sawa qārəšməš ―to intervene
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Grigore, George. 2000. ―Ku - un p
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Phonetic features and changes in An
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The volume of the samples has been
Page 192 and 193:
the realizations /Ď/ > /t}/ > /t/
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above protetical graphemes - one of
Page 196 and 197:
―confirm, support, assure‖, ‘
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ealization). The number of the root
Page 200 and 201:
ġayn 0 _ 0 _ fā‘ 7 ft‘, fğ
Page 202 and 203:
Corriente, Federico. 1995. Dīwān
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