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He climbs up and lies down bringing himself nearer, And his penis is swollen even harder than horn. Meanwhile, he draws up the tunic from its hem Rough legs bristled with thick hair. Immediately, the Tirynthian hero kicks him off While he tests the rest: He falls from the top of the bed… The god, deceived by clothing, hates garments That deceive the eye and decrees nude worshippers for his rites. 393 This trivialization of sacred practice is common in Ovid’s Fasti and is representative of the role of Faunus in Roman myth; he is used as comic relief. We may wish to interpret Faunus’ lustful behavior as being typical of Satyrs, but I would also suggest that Inuus may lurk in the shadows of this narrative. 394 While Faunus’ foiled attempt to rape Omphale is humorous, the deity is again acting in the character of one who ravages women in the night. Dorcey states that Faunus had become little more than “a literary topos” 395 by the beginning of the Imperial Period and labels him as a god who either may not have ever had a cult of great significance 396 or whose cult faded and was preserved only in obscure rites not understood by those who practiced them. While literature of the Augustan period securely links Faunus to the goat, iconography does not always do the same. In their short entry for Faunus in LIMC, Pouthier and Rouillard provide as images only three bronze statuettes of the god. This meager evidence is striking when compared to the great number of artifacts and monuments produced for other gods. In addition to this, not one of these is reproduced in the accompanying volume of plates, nor are any of them described as possessing the parts of a goat or wearing an animal skin securely identified as that of a goat. In fact, these statuettes are characterized as holding a cornucopia, a rhyton, or a 393 Ov. Fas. 2.335-50, 357-8. Latin Text taken from Ovid Fasti, Vol. 5, edited by G.P. Goold, Loeb Classical Library, Cambridge, MA: Harvard <strong>University</strong> Press, 1996, p. 80, 82. (Translation by Author.) Intrat, et huc illuc temerarius errat adulter / et praefert cautas subsequiturque manus. / venerat ad strati captata cubilia lecti / et felix prima sorte futurus erat. / ut tetigit fulvi saetis hirsuta leonis / vellera, pertimuit sustinuitque manum, / attonitusque metu rediit, ut saepe viator / turbatus viso rettulit angue pedem. / inde tori qui iunctus erat velamina tangit / mollia, mendaci decipiturque nota. / ascendit spondaque sibi propiore recumbit, / et tumidum cornu durius inguen erat. / interea tunicas ora subducit ab ima : / horrebant densis aspera crura pilis. / cetera temptantem subito Tirynthius heros / reppulit: e summo decidit ille toro… / veste deus lusus fallentes lumina vestes / non amat, et nudos ad sua sacra vocat. 394 We may remind ourselves of the image of Pan and the goatherd in Fig IV.1, which has overtones of more than just lust and the fancy of the god. 395 Dorcey 1992, 34. 396 Fowler 1925, 258. One problem with the view that Faunus did not ever have a cult of great importance deals with the festival of the Lupercalia. If we accept Faunus’ association with this festival, it is difficult to label him as deity of no import, due to the great significance of this festival. 81
anch, 397 objects that likely stress Faunus’ nature as a beneficent god who brings abundance and fertility. One example provided by Pouthier and Rouillard represents Faunus holding a branch and wearing the skin of a beast (perhaps that of a goat) is a bronze statuette of unknown provenance currently housed in the Bibliothéque Nationale (Fig. IV.2). This iconographic type reminds us of Faunus’ links to the forest god, Silvanus, who may be depicted in a similar manner. 398 A bronze statuette (Fig. IV.2) depicts Faunus as a god of fertility. The right hand of the figurine holds a poorly preserved drinking horn and the left a fruit-bearing branch. Faunus wears a spiky head dress but is otherwise mostly nude, except for an animal skin draped across his shoulders and a pair of rustic sandals or boots. J. Babelon did not identify the species of animal skin, and it is not clear in any images of this statuette (both photos and line drawings) whether it is that of a goat or some other animal. In this instance, he is shown as a bearded, regal male and does not possess any of the comic overtones demonstrated in the literary accounts of Ovid. Nor does he possess the same character as Pan represented in a fresco dating to the first quarter of the first century CE in the House of Jason in Pompeii (Fig. IV.3). Fig. IV.3 depicts a goat-man identified as Pan who is reminiscent of depictions of Faunus in contemporary literature. Ling cites this painting as an example of the “restrained and balanced” painting typical of Augustan classicism. 399 The representation of the nude Pan raising his syrinx to lips as he calmly sits on a stone in the presence of three nymphs or maidens is strikingly different from the scene of Pan pursuing the young shepherd boy on the name vase of 397 Pouthier and Rouillard (1997, 582-3) maintain the absence of a distinct iconography for this god but do note the cornucopia and rhyton. 398 Dorcey, in The Cult of Silvanus, analyzes the evidence demonstrating that these two gods were often confused by ancient authors; however, he is quite selective in which evidence he chooses to accept. He is also quick to make statements that minimize evidence that does not support his argument and base his conclusions on his own assumptions. In reference to the prophetic powers of Silvanus, Dorcey (1992, 35) states, “Silvanus does not share much of Faunus’ ability to deliver prophecies and oracles, either in dreams or in forest settings. Livy (2.7.2) and Valerius Maximus (1.8.5) do attribute the pronouncement of the defeat of Tarquinius Superbus in battle to Silvanus; however Dionysius of Halicarnassus (5.16.2-3), in narrating the same episode, has Faunus announce the Roman military victory.” Instead of interpreting this as evidence linking Silvanus and Faunus, Dorcey (1992, 35) assumes that the ancient authors are “mistaken in this instance, since there are many sources for the oracular talents of Faunus, and no other for those of Silvanus.” There are no other sources, except for the ones Dorcey has chosen to doubt. Dorcey (1992, 42) goes so far as to state, “What is indeed interesting about Silvanus is how much he retained his individuality vis-à-vis other rustic deities,” after he has collected a staggering amount of evidence that indicates just the opposite. I believe that Dorcey is too ready to dismiss evidence which he views as exceptions to rules he has established for his study. Both iconographic and literary sources point to the confusion of the identities of these gods. 399 Ling 1991, 119. 82
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THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEG
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This work is dedicated to my loving
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TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures v
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Fig. II.8. Rear Wall of the Tomb of
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Fig. III.13. Etruscan Bronze Ash Ur
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Fig. V.7. Etruscan Bronze Mirror De
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ABSTRACT This dissertation is an in
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physiognomy was discovered at Hohle
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or for the death of someone else, w
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left with an incomplete appraisal o
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presentation of the Battle of Actiu
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are more distinct mirrors by the na
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its prerogatives and its essence ar
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Given the importance of the cult of
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In general, theriomorphic and theri
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paradoxical, as the loss of a valua
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metaphor that could be used by man
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students of comparative religion in
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there is not a wealth of literary n
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Faunus and Silvanus are also associ
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CHAPTER 2: THE SERPENT The serpent
Page 43 and 44: Corinthian vase painting.) In this
Page 45 and 46: used as decorative support elements
Page 47 and 48: Phersipnai, but these heads are bad
Page 49 and 50: creature of the earth, and even his
Page 51 and 52: of Aesculapius’ birth, a goat nur
Page 53 and 54: II.11). On this medallion, a person
Page 55 and 56: serpent chooses both the time and p
Page 57 and 58: household divinities such as the Pe
Page 59 and 60: Vergil’s statement that Aeneas wa
Page 61 and 62: CHAPTER 3: THE WOLF AND CANINES Dow
Page 63 and 64: P. Defosse proposes that the connec
Page 65 and 66: are not alone on this vessel, and o
Page 67 and 68: y reference to his barking, 253 and
Page 69 and 70: Finally seizing the moment, Arruns
Page 71 and 72: the shape of a man, from that of a
Page 73 and 74: passage, 280 which would accord wit
Page 75 and 76: history of the Lupercalia and the w
Page 77 and 78: Period in Rome as can be seen in ar
Page 79 and 80: Pan or Faunus, 327 but Inuus seems
Page 81 and 82: had been devastated at the time whe
Page 83 and 84: Ovid takes place at a water source
Page 85 and 86: figure has been identified as a wol
Page 87 and 88: suggestion is plausible, but due to
Page 89 and 90: narrative and alternative iconograp
Page 91 and 92: eproduction of animals. 376 These a
Page 93: Mars in line nine. Similarly, Turca
Page 97 and 98: appear as Juno Sospita, clad in a g
Page 99 and 100: Lanuvium, and indeed there is one l
Page 101 and 102: SISPITE and demonstrates the variat
Page 103 and 104: that it may be Greek. 433 Gordon st
Page 105 and 106: the etymology of her name indicates
Page 107 and 108: of Faunus in poetry and art, which
Page 109 and 110: probably derives from Sumerian mode
Page 111 and 112: A bull therianthrope identified as
Page 113 and 114: efers to the bull-headed man as Dio
Page 115 and 116: ecent discussion of the perception
Page 117 and 118: The rites of Bacchic cult practice
Page 119 and 120: was likely difficult even for the a
Page 121 and 122: Layed me out in the deep sand. That
Page 123 and 124: Perhaps we are meant to interpret t
Page 125 and 126: CHAPTER 6: AVIANS Gods and birds sh
Page 127 and 128: for the Romans, and it may be that
Page 129 and 130: When we speak of totemism we actual
Page 131 and 132: One curious example of an avian the
Page 133 and 134: votive 592 (Fig. VI.7) and decorati
Page 135 and 136: hyta. 611 On the other hand, the sw
Page 137 and 138: of a lost Apulian drinking cup form
Page 139 and 140: labeled, These, the Etruscan Theseu
Page 141 and 142: image was also used as an indicator
Page 143 and 144: The imagery used to represent hybri
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god or goddess or the popularity of
Page 147 and 148:
Fig. I.2. Roman Fresco Depicting a
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Fig. II.2. Sculpture of the so-call
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Fig. II.4. Etruscan Black Figure Hy
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Fig. II.6. Detail of an Etruscan Fr
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Fig. II.8. Rear Wall of the Tomb of
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Fig. II.10. Roman Marble Statue of
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Fig. II.12. Detail of a Roman Marbl
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Fig. II.14. Drawing of a Roman Fres
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Fig. III.2. Reconstruction of an Et
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Fig. III.4. Detail of an Etruscan P
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Fig. III.6. Etruscan Bucchero Oinoc
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Fig. III.8. Etruscan Painted Terrac
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Fig. III.10. Line Drawing of an Etr
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Fig. III.12. Etruscan Terracotta Ci
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Fig. III.14. Pontic Plate by the Ti
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Fig. III.16. Etruscan Bronze Statue
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Fig. IV.2. Roman Bronze Statuette o
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Fig. IV.4. Latin Painted Terracotta
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Fig. IV.6. Etruscan Bronze Mirror C
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Fig. IV.8. Imperial Roman Bronze Co
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Fig. IV.10. Etruscan Bronze Statuet
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Fig. V.1. Etruscan Engraved Bronze
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Fig. V.3. Etruscan Red-Figure Plate
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Fig. V.5. Roman Terracotta Revetmen
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Fig. V.7. Etruscan Bronze Mirror De
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Fig. V.9. Etruscan Gold Pendant Rep
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Fig. V.11. Etruscan Bucchero Oinoch
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Fig. VI.2. Line Drawing of an Engra
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Fig. VI.4. Terracotta Antefix from
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Fig. VI.6. Monumental Stone Relief
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Fig. VI.8. Etruscan Bronze Statuett
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Fig. VI.10. Line Drawing of the Ton
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Fig. VI.12. Water Color Rendition o
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Serv. Ad. Aen. VII, 761. 37 Val. Ma
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Bare, C.P. 2001. “The Iconography
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Buxton, R. 1994. “The Wolf and We
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_____. 2000b. “Mirrors and Mantei
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Felton, D. 1999. Haunted Greece and
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Harrington, F.H. and C.S. Asa. 2003
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Kirk, G.S. 1970. Myth: Its Meaning
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Mannhardt, W. 1884. Mythologische F
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_____. 1975. The Etruscans. Transla
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_____. 1982. “A Mirror in the Duk
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Simon, E. 1973. “Die Tomba dei To
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_____. 2000. The Etruscans. Trans.
Page 237 and 238:
Winter, N. 2006. “Gorgons, Minota
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