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overstatement to suggest that Anubis could easily be translated to Aita or uri, 248 for Anubis’ role is not that of the lord of the underworld. 249 Whatever the exact function or identity of the canine demon on the oinochoe may be, what is notable is the presence of therianthropic wolf- men in Etruscan art, a demonstration of the Etruscans’ ability to conceive of divinities in animal form. Anubis could have served as a model for the iconography of an underworld god even if his cult and worship were not adopted wholesale by the Etruscans; however, the cult of Anubis was later accepted in the Greco-Roman world as part of the worship of the goddess Isis. Romans involved in the cult of Isis seem to have adopted Anubis, as is shown by the presence of the syncretic figure, Hermanubis, a fitting conflation of Greco-Roman and Egyptian gods due to their similar function as guides of the dead. 250 Fig. III.7, a sculpture originally from Anzio but found in the Villa Pamphili in 1749, represents a Roman mingling of the iconography of Anubis and Hermes-Mercury. This jackal-headed statue wears a Roman style tunic and holds a caduceus in its left hand and a sistrum in its right. As a mediator between life and death, Hermanubis partook of the celestial and infernal realms and was sometimes linked to the horizon, a place of transition which linked the worlds of the living and the dead. 251 A blend of animal and human iconography seems quite fitting for this liminal deity. Thus in contrast to Isis, Osiris, and Horus, Anubis seldom loses his canine features in art; one example appears in a household shrine in the Casa degli Amorini Dorati in Pompeii, in which Hermanubis appears along with Harpocrates, Isis, and Serapis. 252 In literature Anubis’ hybrid nature is emphasized Anubis and his iconography traveled alongside the cult of Isis. See Grenier (1977, nos. 61, 62) for the text of the inscriptions which equate Anubis and Hermes. 248 uri, the Etruscan name for Apollo Soranus, is dealt with below. 249 Elliott (1986, 75) notes that the broad iconographic connections between Apollo and Anubis do not wholly justify this idea. 250 Grenier 1977, 171. According to Witt (1971, 199) Anubis’ role in the cult of Isis was not only one of guide and guard but also as a representative of the possibility of eternal life. I believe that this is an important factor in the iconography of this god. Smelik and Hemelrijk (1984, 1968) state the following in reference to the naturalism of Hermanubis: “This image shows the impossibility of incorporating the theriomorphic conception of gods into the interpretatio graeca/romana of the Egyptian religion.” If anything, the retention of the jackal head in the iconography of Anubis shows that the two religious traditions can be merged, and likely emphasizes his role as psychopomp and protector since trained dogs can function both as guides and guardians. 251 Witt 1971, 205. 252 Boyce 1937, 56-7. 53
y reference to his barking, 253 and it would appear that the jackal’s head was integral to the character of this god. 254 A second appearance of a wolf-headed demon as a subsidiary figure can be seen on a painted, terracotta cinerary urn from Chiusi (Fig. III.8). 255 The figures present on this highly unusual urn make up a scene of departure for the underworld and thus fit with a theme that is common in Etruscan art. Two arches are present to indicate the boundaries between the lands of the living and the dead, and a figure stands in each arch. On the left, a man with a pointed cap, possibly a priest, shakes the hand of a seated woman who holds a small child. This is perhaps a husband (in the garb of a haruspex) bidding farewell to his wife and child. 256 Another man steps forth from the second arch, and this figure has been interpreted as Aita coming to greet the deceased. Between the arches, two Vanths holding torches are present. On the right hand side of the urn, the figure of Charu, recognizable by his hammer, is present. Above Charu, near the top of the arch is a dog-headed demon. Corresponding figures may have been present on the opposite side of the urn as a torso is preserved near the top of the left arch, but the head of this figure is missing. Even though no mythological narrative is present in this image, the purpose of the dog-headed demon is likely the same. He appears along with Charu and Vanth, and thus we may infer he is one of the many Etruscan demons present at the transition between life and death. Two of the many figures present on this urn are pertinent to the discussion of wolf gods: the animal-headed figure in the upper right hand corner of the urn, and a tall man wearing a fur cap who emerges from the right arch. The latter figure has been identified as Aita by Haynes, and this seems likely due to the cap he wears and his position under the right arch. 257 The underworld context and the elongated snout of the animal-headed figure indicate that this second creature is a wolf hybrid. It is difficult to determine the identity of this hybrid. He may be Aita- Calu. The Etruscans have no qualms about duplicating a figure in a scene, or depicting different 253 Witt 1971, 200. Isis’ cult was one of the most popular mystery cults in antiquity, and one component of mystery cults was the revelation of sacred and secret doctrine. The wearing of jackal masks by priests of the gods surely links the iconography directly to rituals practiced by the priests and perhaps even beliefs held by the initiates. Along similar lines, Smelik and Hemelrijk (1984, 1968) suggest that animal worship, which may seem ludicrous at first may be a “symbol of hidden wisdom.” Again, this seems to follow with the syncretization of the religious figures of Hermes and Anubis. 254 Griffiths (1975, 198) notes that priests of Anubis donned masks in the shape of a jackal’s head. 255 Brunn and Körte (1872-1916, III.118-20) provide no information concerning the provenance of this urn. 256 Brunn and Körte 1872-1916, III.119. 257 Haynes 2000, 342; De Ruyt (1934, 84) remarks that the cap worn by this figure does not resemble the wolf-cap present in either the Tomb of Orcus or the Golini Tomb. 54
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THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEG
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This work is dedicated to my loving
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TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures v
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Fig. II.8. Rear Wall of the Tomb of
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Fig. III.13. Etruscan Bronze Ash Ur
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Fig. V.7. Etruscan Bronze Mirror De
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ABSTRACT This dissertation is an in
Page 15 and 16: physiognomy was discovered at Hohle
Page 17 and 18: or for the death of someone else, w
Page 19 and 20: left with an incomplete appraisal o
Page 21 and 22: presentation of the Battle of Actiu
Page 23 and 24: are more distinct mirrors by the na
Page 25 and 26: its prerogatives and its essence ar
Page 27 and 28: Given the importance of the cult of
Page 29 and 30: In general, theriomorphic and theri
Page 31 and 32: paradoxical, as the loss of a valua
Page 33 and 34: metaphor that could be used by man
Page 35 and 36: students of comparative religion in
Page 37 and 38: there is not a wealth of literary n
Page 39 and 40: Faunus and Silvanus are also associ
Page 41 and 42: CHAPTER 2: THE SERPENT The serpent
Page 43 and 44: Corinthian vase painting.) In this
Page 45 and 46: used as decorative support elements
Page 47 and 48: Phersipnai, but these heads are bad
Page 49 and 50: creature of the earth, and even his
Page 51 and 52: of Aesculapius’ birth, a goat nur
Page 53 and 54: II.11). On this medallion, a person
Page 55 and 56: serpent chooses both the time and p
Page 57 and 58: household divinities such as the Pe
Page 59 and 60: Vergil’s statement that Aeneas wa
Page 61 and 62: CHAPTER 3: THE WOLF AND CANINES Dow
Page 63 and 64: P. Defosse proposes that the connec
Page 65: are not alone on this vessel, and o
Page 69 and 70: Finally seizing the moment, Arruns
Page 71 and 72: the shape of a man, from that of a
Page 73 and 74: passage, 280 which would accord wit
Page 75 and 76: history of the Lupercalia and the w
Page 77 and 78: Period in Rome as can be seen in ar
Page 79 and 80: Pan or Faunus, 327 but Inuus seems
Page 81 and 82: had been devastated at the time whe
Page 83 and 84: Ovid takes place at a water source
Page 85 and 86: figure has been identified as a wol
Page 87 and 88: suggestion is plausible, but due to
Page 89 and 90: narrative and alternative iconograp
Page 91 and 92: eproduction of animals. 376 These a
Page 93 and 94: Mars in line nine. Similarly, Turca
Page 95 and 96: anch, 397 objects that likely stres
Page 97 and 98: appear as Juno Sospita, clad in a g
Page 99 and 100: Lanuvium, and indeed there is one l
Page 101 and 102: SISPITE and demonstrates the variat
Page 103 and 104: that it may be Greek. 433 Gordon st
Page 105 and 106: the etymology of her name indicates
Page 107 and 108: of Faunus in poetry and art, which
Page 109 and 110: probably derives from Sumerian mode
Page 111 and 112: A bull therianthrope identified as
Page 113 and 114: efers to the bull-headed man as Dio
Page 115 and 116: ecent discussion of the perception
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The rites of Bacchic cult practice
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was likely difficult even for the a
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Layed me out in the deep sand. That
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Perhaps we are meant to interpret t
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CHAPTER 6: AVIANS Gods and birds sh
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for the Romans, and it may be that
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When we speak of totemism we actual
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One curious example of an avian the
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votive 592 (Fig. VI.7) and decorati
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hyta. 611 On the other hand, the sw
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of a lost Apulian drinking cup form
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labeled, These, the Etruscan Theseu
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image was also used as an indicator
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The imagery used to represent hybri
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god or goddess or the popularity of
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Fig. I.2. Roman Fresco Depicting a
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Fig. II.2. Sculpture of the so-call
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Fig. II.4. Etruscan Black Figure Hy
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Fig. II.6. Detail of an Etruscan Fr
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Fig. II.8. Rear Wall of the Tomb of
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Fig. II.10. Roman Marble Statue of
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Fig. II.12. Detail of a Roman Marbl
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Fig. II.14. Drawing of a Roman Fres
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Fig. III.2. Reconstruction of an Et
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Fig. III.4. Detail of an Etruscan P
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Fig. III.6. Etruscan Bucchero Oinoc
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Fig. III.8. Etruscan Painted Terrac
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Fig. III.10. Line Drawing of an Etr
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Fig. III.12. Etruscan Terracotta Ci
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Fig. III.14. Pontic Plate by the Ti
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Fig. III.16. Etruscan Bronze Statue
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Fig. IV.2. Roman Bronze Statuette o
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Fig. IV.4. Latin Painted Terracotta
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Fig. IV.6. Etruscan Bronze Mirror C
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Fig. IV.8. Imperial Roman Bronze Co
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Fig. IV.10. Etruscan Bronze Statuet
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Fig. V.1. Etruscan Engraved Bronze
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Fig. V.3. Etruscan Red-Figure Plate
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Fig. V.5. Roman Terracotta Revetmen
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Fig. V.7. Etruscan Bronze Mirror De
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Fig. V.9. Etruscan Gold Pendant Rep
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Fig. V.11. Etruscan Bucchero Oinoch
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Fig. VI.2. Line Drawing of an Engra
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Fig. VI.4. Terracotta Antefix from
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Fig. VI.6. Monumental Stone Relief
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Fig. VI.8. Etruscan Bronze Statuett
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Fig. VI.10. Line Drawing of the Ton
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Fig. VI.12. Water Color Rendition o
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Serv. Ad. Aen. VII, 761. 37 Val. Ma
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Bare, C.P. 2001. “The Iconography
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Buxton, R. 1994. “The Wolf and We
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_____. 2000b. “Mirrors and Mantei
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Felton, D. 1999. Haunted Greece and
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Harrington, F.H. and C.S. Asa. 2003
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Kirk, G.S. 1970. Myth: Its Meaning
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Mannhardt, W. 1884. Mythologische F
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_____. 1975. The Etruscans. Transla
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_____. 1982. “A Mirror in the Duk
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Simon, E. 1973. “Die Tomba dei To
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_____. 2000. The Etruscans. Trans.
Page 237 and 238:
Winter, N. 2006. “Gorgons, Minota
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