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cited to demonstrate the importance of canines in myth and their relationship to the underworld in particular. 225 In Italy, though, the wolf was an animal of singular importance. In the guise of the Lupa Capitolina or Capitoline She-Wolf, the wolf was a protectress and surrogate mother for the twin founders of Rome. Lupa was also a word associated with the sexual appetite; a lupa could either be a she-wolf or a prostitute, 226 and a lupanar was a brothel. The Latin word for wolf, lupus, is also remarkably similar to the Etruscan verb to die, lupu. 227 This is not likely a coincidence, as the Etruscan lord of the underworld, Aita, wore a wolf-skin cap, perhaps as an indicator of his fearsome nature. As with all of the animals dealt with in this study, the wolf possessed a complex nature and was a symbol of life and death. A number of gods worshipped in Italy were associated with the wolf or other canines, and the ones treated here include Aita, Apollo Soranus, Faunus, and Silvanus. 228 It seems best to begin with the god for whom we possess the most concrete evidence, Aita. Unlike his Greek equivalent Hades, Aita sometimes possesses a wolf-skin cap in addition to other regalia such as a scepter. 229 The monuments in which he appears wearing this cap include the Tomb of Orcus at Tarquinia (Fig. III.1), the Golini Tomb at Orvieto (Fig. III.2), a red-figure oinochoe of the Torcop group (Fig. III.3), 230 and a sarcophagus from Torre San Severo at Orvieto (Fig. III.4); all of these objects date from the late 4 th to early 3 rd C BCE. Aita’s iconography is similar in each of these images; he is shown as a bearded, mature, regal male whom, outside of a chthonic context, we might mistake for either of his brothers, Tinia or Nethuns, were he not wearing his distinctive headgear. 225 In a discussion of a terracotta plaque from the Regia (Rupp Fig. V.5) Brendel (1995, 137), notes the presence of a dog on a so-called Totenbett of the early 6 th century BCE. I would like to speculate that the significance of this animal goes beyond the presence of a pet and suggest that it may be part of the funerary iconography of the dog in Etruscan art. 226 This alternate meaning led some Roman antiquarians to interpret Romulus and Remus’ foster mother as a prostitute instead of a she-wolf. To my knowledge, this tradition is not recorded in art and seems to be a rationalization of the myth. 227 Elliot 1995, 24. 228 Faunus and Silvanus are not always accepted by scholars as wolf deities, but evidence will be presented to secure this connection. 229 Hostetter 1978, 263. 230 Del Chiaro (1970, 293) notes that Aita’s beard is shown in an “early stage, somewhat neglected and shaggy,” which he links to other characters of the Etruscan underworld such as the demon Charu and to the practice of allowing one’s physical appearance to become more rugged during times of mourning. Del Chiaro also posits that the confronting female figure must be Phersipnai, and this seems likely. 49
P. Defosse proposes that the connection between Aita and the wolf goes back to an “original” Etruscan god of death, Calu. 231 This connection is based on a dedicatory inscription, : calu tla, 232 found on a figurine from Cortona in the shape of a wolfhound (Fig. III.5). Richardson comes to the conclusion that this wolfhound is actually a representation of Calu, whose assumption of anthropomorphic form is in question, but she does offer several possible representations which show the god in human shape. 233 In scholarship, this god is sometimes referred to as Aita-Calu, but, following epigraphic evidence, Simon notes a distinction between Aita as a mythological persona and Calu as a god who receives cult worship. 234 It is true that Calu, as Tinia-Calusna at the Belvedere sanctuary in Orvieto, 235 does receive cult worship, but we may be hasty in drawing a distinct line between Calu and Aita. In Greek religion and myth, Hades is sometimes called the “Chthonic Zeus.” 236 Instead of separating Aita from Calu, what we should perhaps read is the syncretism of these two gods. Perhaps after the influx of Greek art and culture into Etruria, Calu, the god of death could not help but be equated with his Greek counterpart. Aita-Calu then adopted components of Hades’ iconography (a mature, bearded man of regal stature) as part of a mythological koine but also retained his Etruscan roots and so was depicted with a wolf-skin cap. On what then is the connection between the underworld and the wolf based? The wolf is a creature of the night that inspires terror and fear. The wolf’s howl is eerie, its eyes glow in the darkness, and its fangs and teeth are the sure signs of a predator. The wolf hunts primarily by 231 Defosse 1972, 313-5. By original, we are no doubt meant to understand Calu as a native god free of Greek influence. Defosse (1972, 499) interprets this statuette as a theriomorphic representation of the Etruscan “ravager” and death god Calu in the shape of a canine. The exact species of the statuette is not clear and may be meant to represent a wolf, but Richardson (1977, 95) believes that the creature is more hound than wolf. We can but wonder if naturalistic details were a priority of the artist, or, if it was enough to represent Calu as a canine. The link to Calu is secured in either case by the inscription. Defosse (1972, 499) also links this figurine to the cinerary urns depicting a wolf-man (Fig. III.10-12), and one may be reminded of the scene on the urns by the wolf-hound’s outstretched paw. 232 TLE 642; Rix (1991, Co 4.10) lists the inscription as (elan l) : calu tla but does not provide a reason for his variant reading. N. de Grummond has remarked that Rix’s reading of this inscription would appear to link Fig. III.5 to Selvans. If we are able to accept Rix’s version of the inscription and that Selvans and uri were worshipped together at Tarquinia according to Colonna (1994, 355), then we may possess a further connection amongst the various lupine deities discussed in this chapter. 233 Richardson 1977, 95, 99-101. 234 Simon 2006, 57. 235 De Grummond 2006a, 55; Hostetter (1978, 264) suggests that Tinia Calusna may appear on a bronze handle from Spina, and, while there are no iconographical elements to secure this identification, the composition of the handle indicates that Hostetter is likely correct. 236 Burkert 1985, 196. See also Hom. Il. 9.457, Hes. Erga. 465, Aesch. Suppl. 231. 50
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THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEG
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This work is dedicated to my loving
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TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures v
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Fig. II.8. Rear Wall of the Tomb of
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Fig. III.13. Etruscan Bronze Ash Ur
Page 11 and 12: Fig. V.7. Etruscan Bronze Mirror De
Page 13 and 14: ABSTRACT This dissertation is an in
Page 15 and 16: physiognomy was discovered at Hohle
Page 17 and 18: or for the death of someone else, w
Page 19 and 20: left with an incomplete appraisal o
Page 21 and 22: presentation of the Battle of Actiu
Page 23 and 24: are more distinct mirrors by the na
Page 25 and 26: its prerogatives and its essence ar
Page 27 and 28: Given the importance of the cult of
Page 29 and 30: In general, theriomorphic and theri
Page 31 and 32: paradoxical, as the loss of a valua
Page 33 and 34: metaphor that could be used by man
Page 35 and 36: students of comparative religion in
Page 37 and 38: there is not a wealth of literary n
Page 39 and 40: Faunus and Silvanus are also associ
Page 41 and 42: CHAPTER 2: THE SERPENT The serpent
Page 43 and 44: Corinthian vase painting.) In this
Page 45 and 46: used as decorative support elements
Page 47 and 48: Phersipnai, but these heads are bad
Page 49 and 50: creature of the earth, and even his
Page 51 and 52: of Aesculapius’ birth, a goat nur
Page 53 and 54: II.11). On this medallion, a person
Page 55 and 56: serpent chooses both the time and p
Page 57 and 58: household divinities such as the Pe
Page 59 and 60: Vergil’s statement that Aeneas wa
Page 61: CHAPTER 3: THE WOLF AND CANINES Dow
Page 65 and 66: are not alone on this vessel, and o
Page 67 and 68: y reference to his barking, 253 and
Page 69 and 70: Finally seizing the moment, Arruns
Page 71 and 72: the shape of a man, from that of a
Page 73 and 74: passage, 280 which would accord wit
Page 75 and 76: history of the Lupercalia and the w
Page 77 and 78: Period in Rome as can be seen in ar
Page 79 and 80: Pan or Faunus, 327 but Inuus seems
Page 81 and 82: had been devastated at the time whe
Page 83 and 84: Ovid takes place at a water source
Page 85 and 86: figure has been identified as a wol
Page 87 and 88: suggestion is plausible, but due to
Page 89 and 90: narrative and alternative iconograp
Page 91 and 92: eproduction of animals. 376 These a
Page 93 and 94: Mars in line nine. Similarly, Turca
Page 95 and 96: anch, 397 objects that likely stres
Page 97 and 98: appear as Juno Sospita, clad in a g
Page 99 and 100: Lanuvium, and indeed there is one l
Page 101 and 102: SISPITE and demonstrates the variat
Page 103 and 104: that it may be Greek. 433 Gordon st
Page 105 and 106: the etymology of her name indicates
Page 107 and 108: of Faunus in poetry and art, which
Page 109 and 110: probably derives from Sumerian mode
Page 111 and 112: A bull therianthrope identified as
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efers to the bull-headed man as Dio
Page 115 and 116:
ecent discussion of the perception
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The rites of Bacchic cult practice
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was likely difficult even for the a
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Layed me out in the deep sand. That
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Perhaps we are meant to interpret t
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CHAPTER 6: AVIANS Gods and birds sh
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for the Romans, and it may be that
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When we speak of totemism we actual
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One curious example of an avian the
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votive 592 (Fig. VI.7) and decorati
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hyta. 611 On the other hand, the sw
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of a lost Apulian drinking cup form
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labeled, These, the Etruscan Theseu
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image was also used as an indicator
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The imagery used to represent hybri
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god or goddess or the popularity of
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Fig. I.2. Roman Fresco Depicting a
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Fig. II.2. Sculpture of the so-call
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Fig. II.4. Etruscan Black Figure Hy
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Fig. II.6. Detail of an Etruscan Fr
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Fig. II.8. Rear Wall of the Tomb of
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Fig. II.10. Roman Marble Statue of
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Fig. II.12. Detail of a Roman Marbl
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Fig. II.14. Drawing of a Roman Fres
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Fig. III.2. Reconstruction of an Et
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Fig. III.4. Detail of an Etruscan P
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Fig. III.6. Etruscan Bucchero Oinoc
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Fig. III.8. Etruscan Painted Terrac
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Fig. III.10. Line Drawing of an Etr
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Fig. III.12. Etruscan Terracotta Ci
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Fig. III.14. Pontic Plate by the Ti
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Fig. III.16. Etruscan Bronze Statue
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Fig. IV.2. Roman Bronze Statuette o
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Fig. IV.4. Latin Painted Terracotta
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Fig. IV.6. Etruscan Bronze Mirror C
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Fig. IV.8. Imperial Roman Bronze Co
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Fig. IV.10. Etruscan Bronze Statuet
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Fig. V.1. Etruscan Engraved Bronze
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Fig. V.3. Etruscan Red-Figure Plate
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Fig. V.5. Roman Terracotta Revetmen
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Fig. V.7. Etruscan Bronze Mirror De
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Fig. V.9. Etruscan Gold Pendant Rep
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Fig. V.11. Etruscan Bucchero Oinoch
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Fig. VI.2. Line Drawing of an Engra
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Fig. VI.4. Terracotta Antefix from
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Fig. VI.6. Monumental Stone Relief
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Fig. VI.8. Etruscan Bronze Statuett
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Fig. VI.10. Line Drawing of the Ton
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Fig. VI.12. Water Color Rendition o
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Serv. Ad. Aen. VII, 761. 37 Val. Ma
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Bare, C.P. 2001. “The Iconography
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Buxton, R. 1994. “The Wolf and We
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_____. 2000b. “Mirrors and Mantei
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Felton, D. 1999. Haunted Greece and
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Harrington, F.H. and C.S. Asa. 2003
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Kirk, G.S. 1970. Myth: Its Meaning
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Mannhardt, W. 1884. Mythologische F
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_____. 1975. The Etruscans. Transla
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_____. 1982. “A Mirror in the Duk
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Simon, E. 1973. “Die Tomba dei To
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_____. 2000. The Etruscans. Trans.
Page 237 and 238:
Winter, N. 2006. “Gorgons, Minota
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