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the writer-physician and the divine seer.” 192 Two elements of the statue’s pose reflect this possibility: the scroll, an item on which a prophecy may be written, and the gesture of raising the hand to the chin, a sign of thoughtfulness. As mentioned earlier, Aesculapius might provide an oracle for a patient during the period of incubation spent in the god’s shrine. Thus, Faunus’ shrine on this island is appropriately placed next to Aesculapius since Faunus may also provide oracles through the same process of sleeping in the god’s temple precinct. 193 Likewise, the snake was associated with oracles through its connection to the earth, 194 not the least of which was the Delphic oracle, seized from Mother Earth by Aesculapius’s father Apollo. In Latium, a serpent oracle was closely associated with another deity discussed in this study, Juno Sospita. 195 Aesculapius’ parentage may also predispose him to the mantic arts. In the cult of Aesculapius, prophecy was practiced through the process of incubation. 196 Aesculapius was not the only benevolent, divine figure that could take the form of a serpent. The concept of the Genius, often thought of as representative of “old Roman religion” with roots in Etruscan cult, 197 is nebulous and vague and could be attached to a variety of ideas ranging from the Genius of the paterfamilias of a household to the Genius of the Roman people or emperor. 198 The Genius of a household represented reproductive power, in particular the power that passed from father to son in each generation and preserved the continuity of the gens. 199 When the Genius was represented in art he was typically shown as a male wearing a toga (often capite velato), holding a patera, cornucopia or both, and making an offering at an altar. 200 The Genius does not appear alone, though, and is often associated with other Roman 192 Kerényi 1959, 65. 193 Palmer 1974, 139. 194 Schouten 1967, 36-7. 195 Since there is no indication that Juno Sospita was conceived of as a serpent, I shall hold discussion of the serpent oracle associated with her cult until Chapter Four where it serves as an indicator of her chthonic character. 196 Kerényi 1959, 36-8. 197 Andersen (1993, 55) concludes that the domestic cult was an integral part of Etruscan family life in the Iron Age and early Orientalizing period. This practice continued throughout their history. Weinstock (1946, 109-14, 126) also demonstrates that the Etruscans had a conception of household deities such as the Genius and the Lares in his discussion of Martianus Capella’s text. Weinstock concludes his article with a statement regarding the great difficulty of using this text and the problems of interpreting an Etruscan document which has been influenced by Greek religion and passed down by a Roman antiquarian. Altheim (1938, 60-1) notes that the concept of genius was common to both the Etruscans and Romans. De Grummond (2006a, ) convincingly proposes that the Roman concept of Genius is parallel to the Etruscan Mari . Boyce (1942, 20) notes the development and expansion from the household god to state divinity. 198 Fowler (1969, 14), following the old-fashioned tenets of so-called Roman animism, proposes that the Genius formed a core Roman belief that was not harmed by the advent of anthropomorphic deities. 199 Altheim 1938, 59; Fowler 1969, 17. 200 Romeo 1997, 606. 43
household divinities such as the Penates and the Lares and/or accompanied by a serpent or pair of serpents. 201 Fig. II.13 is a reproduction of a rather elaborate lararium from the west wall of a small atrium located in the House of the Vettii, Pompeii. This lararium consists of a fresco framed by a shallow aedicula that possesses a rectangular niche flanked by two Corinthian half- columns supporting an architrave and pediment decorated with implements of sacrifice. The fresco that decorates this lararium also contains an image of a beardless, togate Genius flanked by two rhyton-bearing Lares represented as youths. The bottom zone of decoration contains a crested and bearded serpent that makes its way towards a square altar topped with offerings of eggs and fruit. 202 These elements are the traditional, common components of household shrines in Pompeii and demonstrate the importance of serpent imagery in Roman domestic religion. 203 The standard interpretation of this serpent is that it is at one time sacred to and a symbol of the Genius, but G.K. Boyce does not accept this idea, limiting the role of the serpent to a function as the Genius Loci, the guardian of a particular, often sacred, place. 204 A snake is labeled as such in one painting from Herculaneum that depicts the god Harpocrates along with the Genius Loci of Mount Vesuvius. Fig. II.14 depicts an image of the young god Harpocrates bearing a branch and standing near an altar. 205 A serpent, labeled Genius Huius Loci Montis, coils about the altar and lifts an offering from its top. Boyce deduces that the mountain mentioned in the inscription must be Mt. Vesuvius, and, surely, this is correct given that the fresco was found in Herculaneum, a city in the shadow of this infamous volcano. 206 Boyce further notes that nothing is known of the wall on which this fresco was found, but it may have been part of a household shrine. Only one literary example of such a serpent receiving offerings exists, and it appears in the Aeneid when Aeneas sacrifices at his father’s grave. Aeneas said these things, when a slippery serpent from the base of the shrine Drew out seven huge coils, seven folds apiece, Embracing the tomb peacefully and slithering over the altars; 201 On the entrance wall to Golini Tomb II, two serpents much like those depicted in Roman house shrines appear in the pedimental area of the painting. 202 Boyce 1937, 54. Pavlick (2006, 80) suggests that the Genius, Lares, and Genius Loci (in the form of a serpent) formed the “core domestic trio” or Roman household gods. 203 Dowden (1998, 116) cites the serpent as the only “substantial instance of animal-veneration” in a Greco-Roman context. 204 For a history of the association of the serpent and the Genius, see Boyce 1942, 15-6. For the serpent as Genius Loci see Boyce 1942, 19-20, Pavlick 2006, 46-79, Wiseman 2004, 221, Turcan 2000, 17. 205 For the identification of this youthful figure as Harpocrates, see Tinh, Jaeger, and Poulin 1981, 426. 206 Boyce 1942, 20. 44
Page 1 and 2:
THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEG
Page 3 and 4:
This work is dedicated to my loving
Page 5 and 6: TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures v
Page 7 and 8: Fig. II.8. Rear Wall of the Tomb of
Page 9 and 10: Fig. III.13. Etruscan Bronze Ash Ur
Page 11 and 12: Fig. V.7. Etruscan Bronze Mirror De
Page 13 and 14: ABSTRACT This dissertation is an in
Page 15 and 16: physiognomy was discovered at Hohle
Page 17 and 18: or for the death of someone else, w
Page 19 and 20: left with an incomplete appraisal o
Page 21 and 22: presentation of the Battle of Actiu
Page 23 and 24: are more distinct mirrors by the na
Page 25 and 26: its prerogatives and its essence ar
Page 27 and 28: Given the importance of the cult of
Page 29 and 30: In general, theriomorphic and theri
Page 31 and 32: paradoxical, as the loss of a valua
Page 33 and 34: metaphor that could be used by man
Page 35 and 36: students of comparative religion in
Page 37 and 38: there is not a wealth of literary n
Page 39 and 40: Faunus and Silvanus are also associ
Page 41 and 42: CHAPTER 2: THE SERPENT The serpent
Page 43 and 44: Corinthian vase painting.) In this
Page 45 and 46: used as decorative support elements
Page 47 and 48: Phersipnai, but these heads are bad
Page 49 and 50: creature of the earth, and even his
Page 51 and 52: of Aesculapius’ birth, a goat nur
Page 53 and 54: II.11). On this medallion, a person
Page 55: serpent chooses both the time and p
Page 59 and 60: Vergil’s statement that Aeneas wa
Page 61 and 62: CHAPTER 3: THE WOLF AND CANINES Dow
Page 63 and 64: P. Defosse proposes that the connec
Page 65 and 66: are not alone on this vessel, and o
Page 67 and 68: y reference to his barking, 253 and
Page 69 and 70: Finally seizing the moment, Arruns
Page 71 and 72: the shape of a man, from that of a
Page 73 and 74: passage, 280 which would accord wit
Page 75 and 76: history of the Lupercalia and the w
Page 77 and 78: Period in Rome as can be seen in ar
Page 79 and 80: Pan or Faunus, 327 but Inuus seems
Page 81 and 82: had been devastated at the time whe
Page 83 and 84: Ovid takes place at a water source
Page 85 and 86: figure has been identified as a wol
Page 87 and 88: suggestion is plausible, but due to
Page 89 and 90: narrative and alternative iconograp
Page 91 and 92: eproduction of animals. 376 These a
Page 93 and 94: Mars in line nine. Similarly, Turca
Page 95 and 96: anch, 397 objects that likely stres
Page 97 and 98: appear as Juno Sospita, clad in a g
Page 99 and 100: Lanuvium, and indeed there is one l
Page 101 and 102: SISPITE and demonstrates the variat
Page 103 and 104: that it may be Greek. 433 Gordon st
Page 105 and 106: the etymology of her name indicates
Page 107 and 108:
of Faunus in poetry and art, which
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probably derives from Sumerian mode
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A bull therianthrope identified as
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efers to the bull-headed man as Dio
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ecent discussion of the perception
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The rites of Bacchic cult practice
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was likely difficult even for the a
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Layed me out in the deep sand. That
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Perhaps we are meant to interpret t
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CHAPTER 6: AVIANS Gods and birds sh
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for the Romans, and it may be that
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When we speak of totemism we actual
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One curious example of an avian the
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votive 592 (Fig. VI.7) and decorati
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hyta. 611 On the other hand, the sw
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of a lost Apulian drinking cup form
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labeled, These, the Etruscan Theseu
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image was also used as an indicator
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The imagery used to represent hybri
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god or goddess or the popularity of
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Fig. I.2. Roman Fresco Depicting a
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Fig. II.2. Sculpture of the so-call
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Fig. II.4. Etruscan Black Figure Hy
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Fig. II.6. Detail of an Etruscan Fr
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Fig. II.8. Rear Wall of the Tomb of
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Fig. II.10. Roman Marble Statue of
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Fig. II.12. Detail of a Roman Marbl
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Fig. II.14. Drawing of a Roman Fres
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Fig. III.2. Reconstruction of an Et
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Fig. III.4. Detail of an Etruscan P
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Fig. III.6. Etruscan Bucchero Oinoc
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Fig. III.8. Etruscan Painted Terrac
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Fig. III.10. Line Drawing of an Etr
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Fig. III.12. Etruscan Terracotta Ci
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Fig. III.14. Pontic Plate by the Ti
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Fig. III.16. Etruscan Bronze Statue
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Fig. IV.2. Roman Bronze Statuette o
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Fig. IV.4. Latin Painted Terracotta
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Fig. IV.6. Etruscan Bronze Mirror C
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Fig. IV.8. Imperial Roman Bronze Co
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Fig. IV.10. Etruscan Bronze Statuet
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Fig. V.1. Etruscan Engraved Bronze
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Fig. V.3. Etruscan Red-Figure Plate
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Fig. V.5. Roman Terracotta Revetmen
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Fig. V.7. Etruscan Bronze Mirror De
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Fig. V.9. Etruscan Gold Pendant Rep
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Fig. V.11. Etruscan Bucchero Oinoch
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Fig. VI.2. Line Drawing of an Engra
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Fig. VI.4. Terracotta Antefix from
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Fig. VI.6. Monumental Stone Relief
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Fig. VI.8. Etruscan Bronze Statuett
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Fig. VI.10. Line Drawing of the Ton
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Fig. VI.12. Water Color Rendition o
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Serv. Ad. Aen. VII, 761. 37 Val. Ma
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Bare, C.P. 2001. “The Iconography
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Buxton, R. 1994. “The Wolf and We
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_____. 2000b. “Mirrors and Mantei
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Felton, D. 1999. Haunted Greece and
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Harrington, F.H. and C.S. Asa. 2003
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Kirk, G.S. 1970. Myth: Its Meaning
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Mannhardt, W. 1884. Mythologische F
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_____. 1975. The Etruscans. Transla
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_____. 1982. “A Mirror in the Duk
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Simon, E. 1973. “Die Tomba dei To
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_____. 2000. The Etruscans. Trans.
Page 237 and 238:
Winter, N. 2006. “Gorgons, Minota
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