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Gigantomachy appear to have developed in Etruria. 117 An Etruscan black-figure hydria attributed to the Micali Painter (ca. 525-500 BCE) provides one such example (Fig. II.4). 118 The decoration of the upper register of Fig. II.4 contains an image of two armored youths attacking a giant. This monstrous foe is depicted as having a head with three-faces, 119 wings sprouting from his back, and two serpentine legs which each split, ending in a total of four serpent heads. He also lifts a large stone above his head with which he surely intends to crush the youths. The youths are shown wielding spears and shields and wearing a cuirass and greaves. They do not possess helmets but, nevertheless, they resemble hoplites. De Grummond cites this black-figure vessel as the earliest known general Gigantomachy and chooses not to identify this figure as Typhon since the image does not fit with a myth of Zeus’ battle against his most terrifying foe. 120 This vessel is representative of a strong tradition of snake-legged creatures in Etruria, a logical occurrence when one considers that the locus for the battle of the gods and giants was most commonly set in nearby Campania, and the final resting place of Typhon was below Mt. Aetna in Sicily. 121 The Tomb of the Typhon in Tarquinia also contains a splendid example of the iconographic convention of using serpents as a substitute for legs (Fig. II.5). 122 This tomb possesses rich painted decoration including the appearance of two winged anguipeds on the pillars that support the tomb’s ceiling. 123 These figures are likely meant to be giants, not reduplicated figures of Typhon as the name of the tomb seems to indicate. These serpent-legged giants are accompanied by a single goddess from whose waist vine tendrils sprout as replacements for legs, a Rankenfrau, whom I have identified elsewhere as Cel Ati, the Etruscan Mother Earth. 124 Both giants and Rankenfrau seem to function as Telamones, humanoid figures 117 A further variation on the theme of the gigantomachy appears on a Praenestine cista that depicts giants with fish tails for legs. 118 De Grummond 2000a, 259. 119 One must wonder if the triple-bodied creature from the pediment of the “Hekatompedon” is not somehow linked to this triple-headed figure. 120 De Grummond 2000a, 259. In contrast, Spivey (1987, 15) refers to the giant as a Typhon-figure. 121 Vian 1988, 191-2. For all of Typhon’s geographic associations, see Vian 1960, 19-23. 122 De Grummond (2000a, 259-61) shows that the depiction of the anguiped giants in the Tomb of the Typhon could not have been influenced by the Great Altar of Pergamon. 123 These figures closely resemble the giants of the Great Altar but are earlier in date, as demonstrated by Colonna (1983, 1). 124 Rupp Forthcoming 2007. The presence of a single Rankenfrau indicates to me that the reduplication of the anguiped figures implies that they are not a single personality such as Typhon and are instead representative of a group of divinities. On the Great Altar of Zeus, for example, Gaia, as the lone female figure against the gods, rises from the earth amongst many giants. Massa Pairault (1992, 195) labels this figure a Nike. 31
used as decorative support elements, and are fitting as decorations in a tomb due to their chthonic nature. 125 The giants’ facial features, filled with pathos, make one wonder if the artist envisioned their support of the tomb’s ceiling and the earth above them as a punishment for their rebellion against the gods. The integration of the serpent with the denizens of the underworld can also be seen in the “death demons” that populate images of the Etruscan afterlife. At the end of the classical period, the Etruscan conception of the underworld admitted a host of terrifying demons into its landscape. 126 These demons are fearsome creatures who possess animalistic features, blue-green flesh and an assortment of armaments. Hostetler suggests that the coloration of the demons’ skin may represent the results of a viperid bite and that the diamond, zigzag pattern present on many of the demons’ wings is meant to represent the same markings on the Vipera berus berus, the indigenous, poisonous snake of Etruria. 127 The demons are not often labeled or named, but two notable exceptions to this rule exist, Tuchulcha and Charu(n). More will be said of Tuchulcha’s appearance in Chapter VI in a discussion of bird demons, but it is interesting to note that Tuchulcha’s wings bear the same markings as the viper he holds. There can be no doubt that demon and serpent are inextricably linked. 128 Charu(n) takes a different form but, like Tuchulcha, is closely linked to the serpent. One example of Charu(n)’s iconography appears in the entryway to the Hellenistic tomb owned by the Anina family (Fig. II.6). In this instance, the doorway of the tomb is flanked by the two most common Etruscan death demons, Charu(n) and Vanth, who are here identified by inscriptions. A winged Charu(n) with shaggy hair and beard is shown in typical fashion wearing a short, red tunic along with hunting boots and holding a hammer. 129 Vanth is also shown in a typical fashion - winged, carrying a torch, and wearing a pale and red garment which leaves her breasts bare. 130 These two figures stand watch over the doorway through which the family would have entered the tomb, and it is possible that the door represents both the entrance to the 125 Cristofani (1969, 223-4) refers to the giants as Telamones and the Rankenfrau as a Caryatid and notes that the “decorative” function of the giants has a long history in Etruria. He also suggests that the identification of the figure as Typhon is “probable.” 126 Krauskopf (2006, 73) notes that the Tomb of the Blue Demons is the earliest example of the appearance of such creatures. 127 Hostetler 2003, 52-3, 56. 128 Hostetler 2003, 52. 129 Charu(n)’s iconography does vary from image to image, but this example can be taken as representative of his general characteristics. 130 Steingraber 1985, 282. 32
Page 1 and 2: THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEG
Page 3 and 4: This work is dedicated to my loving
Page 5 and 6: TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures v
Page 7 and 8: Fig. II.8. Rear Wall of the Tomb of
Page 9 and 10: Fig. III.13. Etruscan Bronze Ash Ur
Page 11 and 12: Fig. V.7. Etruscan Bronze Mirror De
Page 13 and 14: ABSTRACT This dissertation is an in
Page 15 and 16: physiognomy was discovered at Hohle
Page 17 and 18: or for the death of someone else, w
Page 19 and 20: left with an incomplete appraisal o
Page 21 and 22: presentation of the Battle of Actiu
Page 23 and 24: are more distinct mirrors by the na
Page 25 and 26: its prerogatives and its essence ar
Page 27 and 28: Given the importance of the cult of
Page 29 and 30: In general, theriomorphic and theri
Page 31 and 32: paradoxical, as the loss of a valua
Page 33 and 34: metaphor that could be used by man
Page 35 and 36: students of comparative religion in
Page 37 and 38: there is not a wealth of literary n
Page 39 and 40: Faunus and Silvanus are also associ
Page 41 and 42: CHAPTER 2: THE SERPENT The serpent
Page 43: Corinthian vase painting.) In this
Page 47 and 48: Phersipnai, but these heads are bad
Page 49 and 50: creature of the earth, and even his
Page 51 and 52: of Aesculapius’ birth, a goat nur
Page 53 and 54: II.11). On this medallion, a person
Page 55 and 56: serpent chooses both the time and p
Page 57 and 58: household divinities such as the Pe
Page 59 and 60: Vergil’s statement that Aeneas wa
Page 61 and 62: CHAPTER 3: THE WOLF AND CANINES Dow
Page 63 and 64: P. Defosse proposes that the connec
Page 65 and 66: are not alone on this vessel, and o
Page 67 and 68: y reference to his barking, 253 and
Page 69 and 70: Finally seizing the moment, Arruns
Page 71 and 72: the shape of a man, from that of a
Page 73 and 74: passage, 280 which would accord wit
Page 75 and 76: history of the Lupercalia and the w
Page 77 and 78: Period in Rome as can be seen in ar
Page 79 and 80: Pan or Faunus, 327 but Inuus seems
Page 81 and 82: had been devastated at the time whe
Page 83 and 84: Ovid takes place at a water source
Page 85 and 86: figure has been identified as a wol
Page 87 and 88: suggestion is plausible, but due to
Page 89 and 90: narrative and alternative iconograp
Page 91 and 92: eproduction of animals. 376 These a
Page 93 and 94: Mars in line nine. Similarly, Turca
Page 95 and 96:
anch, 397 objects that likely stres
Page 97 and 98:
appear as Juno Sospita, clad in a g
Page 99 and 100:
Lanuvium, and indeed there is one l
Page 101 and 102:
SISPITE and demonstrates the variat
Page 103 and 104:
that it may be Greek. 433 Gordon st
Page 105 and 106:
the etymology of her name indicates
Page 107 and 108:
of Faunus in poetry and art, which
Page 109 and 110:
probably derives from Sumerian mode
Page 111 and 112:
A bull therianthrope identified as
Page 113 and 114:
efers to the bull-headed man as Dio
Page 115 and 116:
ecent discussion of the perception
Page 117 and 118:
The rites of Bacchic cult practice
Page 119 and 120:
was likely difficult even for the a
Page 121 and 122:
Layed me out in the deep sand. That
Page 123 and 124:
Perhaps we are meant to interpret t
Page 125 and 126:
CHAPTER 6: AVIANS Gods and birds sh
Page 127 and 128:
for the Romans, and it may be that
Page 129 and 130:
When we speak of totemism we actual
Page 131 and 132:
One curious example of an avian the
Page 133 and 134:
votive 592 (Fig. VI.7) and decorati
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hyta. 611 On the other hand, the sw
Page 137 and 138:
of a lost Apulian drinking cup form
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labeled, These, the Etruscan Theseu
Page 141 and 142:
image was also used as an indicator
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The imagery used to represent hybri
Page 145 and 146:
god or goddess or the popularity of
Page 147 and 148:
Fig. I.2. Roman Fresco Depicting a
Page 149 and 150:
Fig. II.2. Sculpture of the so-call
Page 151 and 152:
Fig. II.4. Etruscan Black Figure Hy
Page 153 and 154:
Fig. II.6. Detail of an Etruscan Fr
Page 155 and 156:
Fig. II.8. Rear Wall of the Tomb of
Page 157 and 158:
Fig. II.10. Roman Marble Statue of
Page 159 and 160:
Fig. II.12. Detail of a Roman Marbl
Page 161 and 162:
Fig. II.14. Drawing of a Roman Fres
Page 163 and 164:
Fig. III.2. Reconstruction of an Et
Page 165 and 166:
Fig. III.4. Detail of an Etruscan P
Page 167 and 168:
Fig. III.6. Etruscan Bucchero Oinoc
Page 169 and 170:
Fig. III.8. Etruscan Painted Terrac
Page 171 and 172:
Fig. III.10. Line Drawing of an Etr
Page 173 and 174:
Fig. III.12. Etruscan Terracotta Ci
Page 175 and 176:
Fig. III.14. Pontic Plate by the Ti
Page 177 and 178:
Fig. III.16. Etruscan Bronze Statue
Page 179 and 180:
Fig. IV.2. Roman Bronze Statuette o
Page 181 and 182:
Fig. IV.4. Latin Painted Terracotta
Page 183 and 184:
Fig. IV.6. Etruscan Bronze Mirror C
Page 185 and 186:
Fig. IV.8. Imperial Roman Bronze Co
Page 187 and 188:
Fig. IV.10. Etruscan Bronze Statuet
Page 189 and 190:
Fig. V.1. Etruscan Engraved Bronze
Page 191 and 192:
Fig. V.3. Etruscan Red-Figure Plate
Page 193 and 194:
Fig. V.5. Roman Terracotta Revetmen
Page 195 and 196:
Fig. V.7. Etruscan Bronze Mirror De
Page 197 and 198:
Fig. V.9. Etruscan Gold Pendant Rep
Page 199 and 200:
Fig. V.11. Etruscan Bucchero Oinoch
Page 201 and 202:
Fig. VI.2. Line Drawing of an Engra
Page 203 and 204:
Fig. VI.4. Terracotta Antefix from
Page 205 and 206:
Fig. VI.6. Monumental Stone Relief
Page 207 and 208:
Fig. VI.8. Etruscan Bronze Statuett
Page 209 and 210:
Fig. VI.10. Line Drawing of the Ton
Page 211 and 212:
Fig. VI.12. Water Color Rendition o
Page 213 and 214:
Serv. Ad. Aen. VII, 761. 37 Val. Ma
Page 215 and 216:
Bare, C.P. 2001. “The Iconography
Page 217 and 218:
Buxton, R. 1994. “The Wolf and We
Page 219 and 220:
_____. 2000b. “Mirrors and Mantei
Page 221 and 222:
Felton, D. 1999. Haunted Greece and
Page 223 and 224:
Harrington, F.H. and C.S. Asa. 2003
Page 225 and 226:
Kirk, G.S. 1970. Myth: Its Meaning
Page 227 and 228:
Mannhardt, W. 1884. Mythologische F
Page 229 and 230:
_____. 1975. The Etruscans. Transla
Page 231 and 232:
_____. 1982. “A Mirror in the Duk
Page 233 and 234:
Simon, E. 1973. “Die Tomba dei To
Page 235 and 236:
_____. 2000. The Etruscans. Trans.
Page 237 and 238:
Winter, N. 2006. “Gorgons, Minota
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