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worship animals are thought to be more pious and devoted to their religion than those who worship gods in human form. speaks. Cicero seems to express a different opinion at De Natura Deorum III.19,47 when Cotta If those are gods, whom we worship and accept, why do we not count Serapis and Isis amongst them? And, why deny the gods of the barbarians? Therefore, we should place oxen and horses, ibises, hawks, serpents, crocodiles, fish, dogs, wolves, cats, in addition to many other beasts amongst the proper number of the gods. 25 At first glance, this quote seems quite opposed to Egyptian religion due to the implication that the Romans do not place beasts amongst the gods. But Cotta’s statement is taken in the larger context of his argument, we see that he is attacking not only Egyptian religion. Cotta goes on to question the godhood of Greek and Roman deities. And if we reject those, we must also reject those who bore them. What then? Is Ino to be considered a goddess called Leukothea by the Greeks and Matuta by us, since she was a daughter of Cadmus; moreover are Circe, Pasiphae, and Aeetes, daughters of Perseis (a daughter of Ocean) and of father Sun, to be held in the number of the gods? 26 Cotta’s remarks are not designed to attack animal worship but the acceptance of the existence of deities in general. We can see from these examples that Cicero’s depiction of animal worship is by no means wholly negative and primarily functions as a way of denoting the antiquity of the Egyptians and their foreign qualities. One literary topos used as evidence of a negative appraisal of animal worship is the trope of Anubis latrans, or barking Anubis. 27 This phrase appears in Vergil’s Aeneid during his 25 Cic. Nat. D. III.19,47. Latin Text taken from Cicero Nature of the Gods, Academics, Loeb Classical Library, Vol. 19, edited by J. Henderson, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000, pp. 330, 332. (Translation by Author.) … si di sunt illi, quos colimus et accepimus, cur non eodem in genere Serapim Isimque numeremus? quod si facimus, cur barbarorum deos repudiemus? Boves igitur et equos, ibis, accipitres, aspidas, crocodilos, pisces, canes, lupos, faelis, multas praeterea beluas in deorum numerum reponemus. 26 Cic. Nat. D. III.19, 47-8. Latin Text taken from Cicero Nature of the Gods, Academics, Loeb Classical Library, Vol. 19, edited by J. Henderson, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000, p. 332. Quae si reicimus, illa quoque, unde haec nata sunt, reiciemus. Quid deinde? Ino dea ducetur et a Graecis, a nobis Matuta dicetur, cum sit Cadmi filia, Circe autem er Pasiphaë et Aeeta e Perseide Oceani filia natae patre Sole in deorum numero non habebuntur? 27 In addition to the Vergilian example produced here, Propertius III.11,41 refers to Anubis as latrantem in reference to the conflict between Antony as Cleopatra’s pawn, and Augustus. 7
presentation of the Battle of Actium as Antony and Cleopatra are readied to engage Octavian’s fleet in combat. All types of gods and monsters and Anubis the Barker Hold their weapons against Neptune, Venus, and Minerva. 28 This small excerpt is part of a larger passage in which Antony is made into a foreign enemy as the thrall of Cleopatra, a point that Smelik and Hemelrijk note but then seem to forget. 29 Vergil’s purpose here is not to criticize Egyptian cult but to demonize Antony. Association with Egyptian deities is one tool Vergil uses to make Antony less Roman. We must remember, though, that Vergil is not writing a commentary on the merits of religion; he is dealing with one of the most politicized events of Roman history. The most commonly noted characteristic of Egyptian deities is that they were hybrids, and this is surely the reason that Vergil chooses to emphasize this aspect of their character, to point out that they are “a wondrous phenomenon from a strange and far-away country.” 30 Smelik and Hemelrijk also point to Pliny the Elder as an example of anti-Egyptian sentiment. They note, though, that Pliny does not specifically address the issue of animal worship, except in the case of the Apis bull, a cult he treats favorably. 31 In order to turn this into an anti-animal sentiment, Smelik and Hemelrijk state, One gets the impression from this passage and from the fact that according to Pliny the Apis-bull approved and appreciated his veneration, that Pliny was less negative in his judgment of the Apis-cult than in that of animal worship in general. This can probably be seen in relation to the high regard Pliny holds for the ox… this example shows that the personal attitude towards the (or an) animal can influence the conception one has of Egyptian animal worship. 32 If we follow Smelik and Hemelrijk’s analysis of Pliny’s testimony, Pliny does not appear to be entirely adverse to animal cult, and Smelik and Hemelrijk are forced to minimize his positive feelings towards the Apis bull by stating that Pliny’s personal bias towards the ox influences his 28 Verg. Aen. VIII.670-3. Latin Text taken from Virgil Aeneid 7-12, The Minor Poems, Loeb Classical Library, Vol. 2, edited by G.P. Goold , Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998, p. 108. (Translation by Author.) omnigenumque deum monstra et latrator Anubis / contra Neptunum et Venerem contraque Minervam / tela tenent. 29 Smelik and Hemelrijk (1984, 1855) state that “Virgil wants to use the Roman abhorrence of Egyptian theriomorphic gods in order to create a hostile feeling towards Anthony and Cleopatra.” This is an overstatement of great proportion. 30 Smelik and Hemelrijk (1984, 1958) state this in relation to Tibullus I.7 and also Ovid’s mention of the Apis bull at Amores II.13, 13-4. 31 Smelik and Hemelrijk 1984, 1960. 32 Smelik and Hemelrijk 1984, 1960. 8
Page 1 and 2: THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEG
Page 3 and 4: This work is dedicated to my loving
Page 5 and 6: TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Figures v
Page 7 and 8: Fig. II.8. Rear Wall of the Tomb of
Page 9 and 10: Fig. III.13. Etruscan Bronze Ash Ur
Page 11 and 12: Fig. V.7. Etruscan Bronze Mirror De
Page 13 and 14: ABSTRACT This dissertation is an in
Page 15 and 16: physiognomy was discovered at Hohle
Page 17 and 18: or for the death of someone else, w
Page 19: left with an incomplete appraisal o
Page 23 and 24: are more distinct mirrors by the na
Page 25 and 26: its prerogatives and its essence ar
Page 27 and 28: Given the importance of the cult of
Page 29 and 30: In general, theriomorphic and theri
Page 31 and 32: paradoxical, as the loss of a valua
Page 33 and 34: metaphor that could be used by man
Page 35 and 36: students of comparative religion in
Page 37 and 38: there is not a wealth of literary n
Page 39 and 40: Faunus and Silvanus are also associ
Page 41 and 42: CHAPTER 2: THE SERPENT The serpent
Page 43 and 44: Corinthian vase painting.) In this
Page 45 and 46: used as decorative support elements
Page 47 and 48: Phersipnai, but these heads are bad
Page 49 and 50: creature of the earth, and even his
Page 51 and 52: of Aesculapius’ birth, a goat nur
Page 53 and 54: II.11). On this medallion, a person
Page 55 and 56: serpent chooses both the time and p
Page 57 and 58: household divinities such as the Pe
Page 59 and 60: Vergil’s statement that Aeneas wa
Page 61 and 62: CHAPTER 3: THE WOLF AND CANINES Dow
Page 63 and 64: P. Defosse proposes that the connec
Page 65 and 66: are not alone on this vessel, and o
Page 67 and 68: y reference to his barking, 253 and
Page 69 and 70: Finally seizing the moment, Arruns
Page 71 and 72:
the shape of a man, from that of a
Page 73 and 74:
passage, 280 which would accord wit
Page 75 and 76:
history of the Lupercalia and the w
Page 77 and 78:
Period in Rome as can be seen in ar
Page 79 and 80:
Pan or Faunus, 327 but Inuus seems
Page 81 and 82:
had been devastated at the time whe
Page 83 and 84:
Ovid takes place at a water source
Page 85 and 86:
figure has been identified as a wol
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suggestion is plausible, but due to
Page 89 and 90:
narrative and alternative iconograp
Page 91 and 92:
eproduction of animals. 376 These a
Page 93 and 94:
Mars in line nine. Similarly, Turca
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anch, 397 objects that likely stres
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appear as Juno Sospita, clad in a g
Page 99 and 100:
Lanuvium, and indeed there is one l
Page 101 and 102:
SISPITE and demonstrates the variat
Page 103 and 104:
that it may be Greek. 433 Gordon st
Page 105 and 106:
the etymology of her name indicates
Page 107 and 108:
of Faunus in poetry and art, which
Page 109 and 110:
probably derives from Sumerian mode
Page 111 and 112:
A bull therianthrope identified as
Page 113 and 114:
efers to the bull-headed man as Dio
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ecent discussion of the perception
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The rites of Bacchic cult practice
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was likely difficult even for the a
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Layed me out in the deep sand. That
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Perhaps we are meant to interpret t
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CHAPTER 6: AVIANS Gods and birds sh
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for the Romans, and it may be that
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When we speak of totemism we actual
Page 131 and 132:
One curious example of an avian the
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votive 592 (Fig. VI.7) and decorati
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hyta. 611 On the other hand, the sw
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of a lost Apulian drinking cup form
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labeled, These, the Etruscan Theseu
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image was also used as an indicator
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The imagery used to represent hybri
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god or goddess or the popularity of
Page 147 and 148:
Fig. I.2. Roman Fresco Depicting a
Page 149 and 150:
Fig. II.2. Sculpture of the so-call
Page 151 and 152:
Fig. II.4. Etruscan Black Figure Hy
Page 153 and 154:
Fig. II.6. Detail of an Etruscan Fr
Page 155 and 156:
Fig. II.8. Rear Wall of the Tomb of
Page 157 and 158:
Fig. II.10. Roman Marble Statue of
Page 159 and 160:
Fig. II.12. Detail of a Roman Marbl
Page 161 and 162:
Fig. II.14. Drawing of a Roman Fres
Page 163 and 164:
Fig. III.2. Reconstruction of an Et
Page 165 and 166:
Fig. III.4. Detail of an Etruscan P
Page 167 and 168:
Fig. III.6. Etruscan Bucchero Oinoc
Page 169 and 170:
Fig. III.8. Etruscan Painted Terrac
Page 171 and 172:
Fig. III.10. Line Drawing of an Etr
Page 173 and 174:
Fig. III.12. Etruscan Terracotta Ci
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Fig. III.14. Pontic Plate by the Ti
Page 177 and 178:
Fig. III.16. Etruscan Bronze Statue
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Fig. IV.2. Roman Bronze Statuette o
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Fig. IV.4. Latin Painted Terracotta
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Fig. IV.6. Etruscan Bronze Mirror C
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Fig. IV.8. Imperial Roman Bronze Co
Page 187 and 188:
Fig. IV.10. Etruscan Bronze Statuet
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Fig. V.1. Etruscan Engraved Bronze
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Fig. V.3. Etruscan Red-Figure Plate
Page 193 and 194:
Fig. V.5. Roman Terracotta Revetmen
Page 195 and 196:
Fig. V.7. Etruscan Bronze Mirror De
Page 197 and 198:
Fig. V.9. Etruscan Gold Pendant Rep
Page 199 and 200:
Fig. V.11. Etruscan Bucchero Oinoch
Page 201 and 202:
Fig. VI.2. Line Drawing of an Engra
Page 203 and 204:
Fig. VI.4. Terracotta Antefix from
Page 205 and 206:
Fig. VI.6. Monumental Stone Relief
Page 207 and 208:
Fig. VI.8. Etruscan Bronze Statuett
Page 209 and 210:
Fig. VI.10. Line Drawing of the Ton
Page 211 and 212:
Fig. VI.12. Water Color Rendition o
Page 213 and 214:
Serv. Ad. Aen. VII, 761. 37 Val. Ma
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Bare, C.P. 2001. “The Iconography
Page 217 and 218:
Buxton, R. 1994. “The Wolf and We
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_____. 2000b. “Mirrors and Mantei
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Felton, D. 1999. Haunted Greece and
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Harrington, F.H. and C.S. Asa. 2003
Page 225 and 226:
Kirk, G.S. 1970. Myth: Its Meaning
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Mannhardt, W. 1884. Mythologische F
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_____. 1975. The Etruscans. Transla
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_____. 1982. “A Mirror in the Duk
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Simon, E. 1973. “Die Tomba dei To
Page 235 and 236:
_____. 2000. The Etruscans. Trans.
Page 237 and 238:
Winter, N. 2006. “Gorgons, Minota
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